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Studies of Latin America have confirmed that the electoral system plays a central role in the successful candidacies of women and, in turn, is in agreement with studies on a world level. However, they have found that not all PR systems are equally women-friendly.

In terms of electing women, PR works best when it is linked to closed-candidate lists Baldez ; Htun and Jones ; Htun and Piscopo ; Jones Jones reported a considerable variation in the electoral results of women in Latin American countries which used PR. This suggests that in order to understand the electoral performance of women it is necessary to look beyond the type of electoral system, and examine the model of electoral lists. At the current time see table 3 , 14 out 18 countries in Latin America use PR, and of these only one does not employ gender quotas, yet there are considerable differences in the percentage of women in their parliaments.

Therefore, they provide good case studies of the way in which the electoral system affects the election of women to parliaments. Table 2 below provides an up to date snapshot of countries in Latin America, in relation to the key variables mentioned above for the electoral performance of women. The data include: the number of women in legislatures of the lower house, or unicameral system only ; the type of electoral system and type of lists it operates; the percentage of quotas if any ; whether or not there is a placement mandate for women and men; and finally, the existence of a weak or strong enforcement of quotas.

Because the cases are relatively few only 18 , the statistical analysis is limited to establishing which of these variables are the most influential. However, the data lends itself to a useful descriptive comparative analysis of the current state of affairs. Changes made by the electoral law strengthened this policy, making it impossible for political parties to register their electoral slates unless they complied with quotas. The first national and state level elections to observe this rule were held in Of the 18 countries in Table 2 , nine employ a closed-list PR, five use an open-list PR, and four have mixed electoral systems.

Only two -Guatemala and Venezuela- do not employ gender quotas. A straightforward comparative analysis on the percentages of women in Lower House positions in these countries -again, within the abovementioned statistical limits- allows us to make some inferences concerning the role of quotas and the electoral system.

First, the central role played by quotas is evident. Source: Database: Inter-parliamentary Union a. Source: Database: Inter-parliamentary Union data a. Data analyzed and organized in graph by the author Graph 3. The Countries with mixed electoral systems stand out as they have the highest average percentage of women in elected positions. The leading position of countries with mixed electoral systems counters findings from previous studies, which showed that the closed list PR system was more likely to elect more women.

Interestingly, all of these countries have recently adopted a gender parity system for legislative candidates Bolivia and Panama in and Mexico in Yet the results in Panama have been far less satisfactory than in the other two. As seen earlier, the mixed electoral system combines the features of both the PR and Majority systems; thus, it uses through both multi-member and single-member districts.

Conventional understanding suggests that fewer electoral positions should favor male candidates. Therefore, it is reasonable to expect that countries with mixed electoral systems will elect less women than countries with PR, where all the districts are multi-member. Following the same rationale, gender quotas should work less effectively in countries with mixed systems, for it is unlikely that political parties will apply this policy in single member districts, given their expected preference for male candidates.

In this case, compliance with quotas is only likely to succeed if the electoral rules ensure that the quotas will also apply to single member districts. This is what happens in Bolivia. In fact, parity in participation between women and men is secured by the constitution in relation to all positions of authority be it of the legislative, executive or judiciary power Venturini and Villela On the other hand, the quota regulations and enforcement mechanisms in Panama are weak.

Furthermore, the law only covers the nomination lists in the primaries of parties International IDEA , which means that a balanced ticket is uncertain even in multi-member districts, and the policy is far less effective in Panama than in Bolivia. Differences in the electoral results of countries that apply quotas in closed list PR systems are also common. Nicaragua, for example, which has the highest percentage of women in parliament among these countries, does not have any mechanisms for enforcing quotas International IDEA , so compliance with this policy is dependent on the goodwill of its political parties which, of course, is influenced by the bargaining power the women in them have [ Sacchet ].

Surprisingly, therefore, the willingness of the parties to comply with such quotas in those countries is higher than the average, which indicates that other factors may explain their behavior and require further analysis. By contrast, there are countries that have a high quota percentage and strong enforcement mechanisms, but do not have such satisfactory results. Given their electoral system and the strength of their quota legislation, a better electoral performance by women in these countries would be expected. Although previous studies have claimed that a system which combines a closed-list PR, a high quota percentage, a placement mandate and strong enforcement mechanisms is friendlier to women, the country cases analyzed in this article point to a more ambiguous situation.

Brazil, on the other hand, with a similar electoral system, stands out as the country with the lowest percentage. The National Assembly of Ecuador, its unicameral parliament, has seats which are assigned in accordance with an open-list PR electoral system. Voters in Ecuador have two options in elections: a to vote for one or many candidates -who can be from the same or from different political parties- in numbers proportional to seats available in the electoral district; b to vote for the list of the party of their choice, instead of candidates.

Since the second option is generally preferred by Ecuadorian voters, its electoral system works more like a closed-list PR one. In Peru, the open-list PR electoral system has a different structure. It requires the electors to vote first for a list and then, if they wish, they can vote for up to two candidates on the same list Schmidt Schmidt argues that the option of voting for individual candidates in Peru is usually chosen by better-educated and more progressive voters, who have deliberately voted for women.

In Brazil, electors can vote either for a party or for a candidate. However, in contrast with Ecuador and Peru, they often prefer the latter option.

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Respecting the proportionality of votes won by parties and coalitions, candidates who individually manage to win the largest number of votes are those who will fill the seats in parliament. This mechanism for filling legislative seats, independent of any prior ranking order, has led to a high level of independency of candidates from their political parties and favored those who are well-known, like incumbents, or well financed the two advantages are usually related. Women are in disadvantage concerning both these aspects electoral finance and incumbency.

They are also in disadvantage because the mechanism by which coalitions can run twice as much the number of candidates as the number of seats available weakens the impact of quotas. In effect, this has made women to be added to the lists as marginal candidates. Therefore, the differences in the open-list PR systems of Ecuador, Peru and Brazil may explain the discrepancies between the electoral success of women in each country. Even excluding Ecuador and Peru, however, other countries whose systems are similar to that of Brazil and also have quotas, such as Chile A clearer understanding of this situation would require a more exhaustive analysis and data which is not always available.

It allows candidates to make contact with the public so that they can explain their platforms and likewise allows the voters to make an informed decision about who they will vote for, an option which both sides have a right to in a democracy. In this sense, electoral funding is a central element for political equality, both from the perspective of the rights of voters and representatives. A number of studies have shown a positive correlation between the money spent in campaigns and the number of votes won by candidates in Brazil Britto ; Cervi ; Silva ; Mancuso ; Peixoto ; Samuels ; Sacchet and Speck a, b; Speck This link between electoral spending and votes is obvious to former female candidates I interviewed, and who were very aware that the reason for this problem of uneven playing field due to differences in electoral spending.

In a more general sense, the disparities in campaign funding are harmful for equality and democracy. The costs of running a campaign in Brazil have risen significantly from one election to the next Mancuso ; Marenco ; Sacchet ; Sacchet and speck ; Santos , making Brazil amongst countries with the highest electoral spending Samuels The database of the Superior Electoral Tribunal shows that the total spending on the elections for federal deputy more than tripled between and In the elections for state deputies, the rise was similar.

Meanwhile, the funding gap between male and female candidates has widened, as shown in table 3 and table 4 below. Data in Table 3 and table 4 show that the average amounts of funds raised by female candidates in elections from to was significantly inferior to that raised by male candidates, for both State and Federal Deputy Positions. It also evinces that the rate of difference has increased from one election to the next. For the position of State deputy, the figures were equally dismaying.

Imbalance in terms of campaign resources has been propelled by both an electoral system that favors the individualization of campaigns, distancing candidates from parties, as considered earlier in this article, and by an over permissive legislation on campaign finance that incentivizes over-spending. National and state elections up to now have been regulated by a legislation that allowed for total freedom on campaign spending and the predominance of corporations among campaign donor. Recently, there were some changes in the law that I will discuss below , that will apply to the October elections of , which is expected to help curb overspending and the influence of corporations over elections.

Academic studies of the subject have long warned of the danger of parties turning into cartels with a uniform ideology, corporate-type structure and a growing distance from their bases as they obtain an easier access to state funds Katz and Mair Although it is premature to speak of the cartelization predicted by Katz and Mair Ribeiro , the parties have indeed distanced themselves from their ideals and supporters, and are increasingly focused on political patronage.

This percentage is likely to have been higher in more recent elections. The predominance of corporations among campaign donors made support from businesses almost vital for electoral success and favored, in particular, well-connected incumbents. The second largest source of campaign funding are individual donations Mancuso Thus, the regulations we just mentioned have favored the predominance of individual or corporate donors, and in turn, the election of representatives who advance their particular interests. Unsurprisingly, the reform of campaign finance has been a major issue in Brazilian politics.

They also mean that women candidates are underfunded, as shown in tables 4. A number of studies have shown that that equally applies to local elections Sacchet , ; Sacchet and Speck a, b. The largest gap in campaign revenue is found in donation from the businesses source Sacchet ; Sacchet and Speck Given the upper hand of corporations over electoral proceeds, this creates much disadvantage for women in terms of winning parliamentary seats, particularly if they are not incumbents.

The unfavorable positioning of women as far as support from businesses is concerned is then exacerbated by the fact that they also get considerably less financial backing from individual donors, political parties and tend to invest far less of their own income in their campaigns Sacchet Women are also at a disadvantage because campaign finance is an even more important electoral resource for them.

Research highlight that on average the amount of money needed by women to be elected is higher than that needed by men Sacchet and Speck a; Speck and Mancuso The correlation tables above corroborate my findings about the crucial role campaign finance plays in the lower chances women have of being elected in Brazil and the link between funding and male candidates. For state deputy, the correlation is similar, although the coefficients of correlation are smaller.

Table 5 and table 6 also highlight a positive correlation between the election of and female candidates both for federal and state deputies, which reflects a considerable rise in the number of female candidates that year as shown in table 1. However, the correlation also shows that despite the significant rise in the number of female candidates, there was a negative correlation, though not statistically significant, between the number of women elected and the year of the elections. Other countries in Latin America with open-list PR electoral systems seem to be less permissive about campaign spending and violations of the rules on campaign finance.

The latest available data from indicates that only in Chile were individual candidates allowed to receive funding from the private sector, and in all of them, including Chile, there were statutory ceilings on the money spent by candidates and political parties International IDEA In September , the Federal Supreme Court STF , the highest court of justice in Brazil, ruled that donations from corporations to both parties and candidates are unconstitutional.

This ban led to a significant reduction in spending on the local elections of After much negotiation within and between the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate and the final vetoes by the President, electoral legislation was amended. These changes will come into force during the elections. Two of these changes directly concern the issues discussed in this article: ceilings on campaign expenditure and the establishment of a public campaign fund.

The amount of the ceiling varies in accordance with the legislative or executive posts the candidates run for. The ceilings including money from public funds are as follows:. At first sight, the ceilings seem like a good way to make elections more democratic, since they seem to somewhat even electoral spending and curb the power of wealthy donors. In fact, they are far too high to fulfil that purpose.

This is evident when we consider data from recent elections. Data from the last parliamentary elections, of , analyzed for this article, show that of 5, candidates who run for the position of federal deputies, only 96 raised electoral funds in amounts superior to that of the ceiling set up recently for this position. In relation to the position of state deputy from 15, candidates running, only reached the ceiling of 1 million. The public campaign fund aims to fill the vacuum left by the ban on donations from corporations ordered by the STF in Given that money is a central constraining factor in elections for candidates from specific backgrounds -such as women, members of minorities and those running for smaller more ideological political parties 18 -, the creation of a public fund has the potential to provide an incentive for new actors to enter and eventually succeed in electoral disputes.

Besides, the ban on donations from corporations might further help boost the election of candidates with these profiles, insofar as they are less likely to receive contribution from businesses. For public funding to have a democratizing function, parties need to act more deliberately when distributing their resources among their candidates. Otherwise, they should at least secure that funds allocated to women were similar to their percentage running as candidate.

However, given parties long-standing preferences for male candidates, it is unlikely they will freely adopt a perspective of equality in the distribution of their resources between male and female candidates, let alone to follow affirmative action whereby higher amounts of funds would be destined to women. The congress has not reached an agreement on changes to the electoral system.

For a number of years now, the parliament has shown an increasing interest in a reform of the current open-list PR system, in the form of a majority electoral system based on smaller electoral districts and with the aim of bringing representatives closer to the people they represent. Nevertheless, if approved, that reform is unlikely to benefit women. Given that the parties have failed to implement quotas for almost two decades in an electoral system based on multi-member districts, they are unlikely to support quotas in single member districts, where the selection of women candidates would exclude male ones.

To a certain extent, it confirms the findings of studies which suggests that the degree to which this policy works depends on the one hand on factors related to the quotas policy itself -such as size, the existence or not of a placement mandate whether or not they are strongly enforced- and on the other, on the type of electoral system in place. Closed-list PR systems are considered to be more favorable to the election of women.

However, this analysis reveals a murkier picture in Latin America today, since the percentage of women elected to the parliaments of some countries does not closely correspond to those findings, which indicates that other factors have to be taken into. I suggest that electoral finance is one of them. Focusing on Brazil, it suggests that a combination of two factors is crucial for explaining the handicaps female candidates face.

These are: the open-list PR electoral system and over-permissive rules on campaign spending. The open-list PR system may seem to make elections more democratic, since, ultimately, the voters decide whom they elect. However, by encouraging voting for individual candidates, it strengthens the influence of money on elections insofar as the candidates with more money have the advantage over those with less, especially women candidates, whose funding is significantly lower. Electoral funding is vital for the running of campaigns and giving voters a knowledge of the positions of the candidates.

Without it, candidates are less able to explain their stands and voters, less likely to hear them. Thus, in itself campaign funding is a democratic measure. However, freedom to spend on campaigns and large donations by individuals and, particularly, corporations, as it has been the case in Brazil, not only turn electoral disputes uneven, but makes it likely that some issues and interests get more publicity and are able to influence the political process more than others.

In this sense, balance in electoral spending is a prerequisite for fairer campaigns and more democratic policy development. The imbalance in campaign finance particularly affects the representation of women and members of minority groups, as this article shows. The recent legal reforms of campaign funding in Brazil are far from ideal. While the new ceilings may cut the usual spending of some candidates significantly, they are irrelevant for the overwhelming majority whose funding is far below the limits.

However, so long as the new rules were strictly enforced, we were likely to see some changes in the composition, and supposedly the agendas, of the legislative branch. A curb on the political power of big corporations not only helps to make elections fairer, but reduces their influence on policy decisions.


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Will this reform be an incentive for getting more women elected? This means that the low presence of women in political positions must become a political issue in itself for parties and members of congress while advancing the political reform in course. Otherwise, the imbalance in numbers and political influence between men and women is likely to continue in the foreseeable future.

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Prevention of harm caused by alcohol exposure in pregnancy. Rapid view and case studies from Member States. El problema de la Drogodependencia en Europa: Informe Anual Programa Menores y Alcohol. Promoting a gender responsive approach to addiction. Santos, G. Junta de Extremadura, Grup Igia. Instituto de Adicciones del Ayuntamiento de Madrid, Un mejor tratamiento para personas consumidoras de drogas que envejecen.

Realidad virtual y drog as. Observatorio para las Cibersociedad, Reducing harm in drinking environments. A systematic review of effective approaches. Centre for Public Health, Servicio Central de Publicaciones del Gobierno Vasco, Report of the International Narcotics Control Board for International Narcotics Control Board, La seguridad ante todo. Un enfoque realista sobre los adolescentes y las drogas. Drug Policy Alliance, Social reintegration and employment: evidence and interventions for drug users in treatment. Social norms and teenage smoking: the dark side of gender equality.

Cuerpos, afectos, juventud y drogas. Teenage drinking cultures. Universal school-based prevention for illicit drug use Review. WHO report on the global tobacco epidemic, Raising taxes on tobacco. Working with women engaged in alcohol and other drug treatment. Second edition. Network of Alcohol and other Drugs Agencies, World Drug Report United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Frankfurt am Main, Banco Central Europeo, Actitud OES.

Banco Central Europeo. El Banco Central Europeo. El Eurosistema. El Sistema Europeo de Bancos Centrales. Hanspeter K. Josep M. Vergara Dir. Servicio de Estudios La Caixa. Can Trust Effects on Development be Generalized? A Response by Quantile. La Carta de los Comunes. Para el cuidado y disfrute de lo que de todos es. Breve historia de los billetes y monedas en euros.

OCDE Publishing, Crisis esta crisis y salud nuestra salud. Bubok, Marzo de Crisis financiera y rescates bancarios en Europa. Crisis y cambio en la sociedad global. Anuario Crisis y fractura social en Europa. De la coyuntura a la estructura: los efectos permanentes de la crisis. Deducciones fiscales reembolsables. Departamento de Derechos Sociales del Gobierno de Navarra, Josep Oliver Alonso. Caixa Catalunya. Directorio de Empresas y Organizaciones Sociales Does fiscal austerity affect public opinion?

Banco Central Europeo, Las dotaciones de capital. Perspectiva internacional. Funcas, Tesis doctoral de Teresa Savall Morera. El trabajo antes que el capital. Ediciones Abya-Yala, Aitor Lacuesta y Sergio Puente. Le Monde diplomatique, Resultados definitivos. Las escalas de la crisis. Dieter Gerdesmeier. Estrategia aragonesa de competitividad y crecimiento. Nuevos instrumentos para el desarrollo mundial. Nueva York.

The European Crisis and its Human Cost. A Call for Fair Alternatives and Solutions. Social Economy Europe, Centro Libros, Movimiento por la Paz. Hacia una nueva arquitectura financiera. Hay alternativas. Ediciones Sequitur, Historia de un Banco Central. CEPES, Informe Anual Netbiblo, Josep Fontana, Memoria Anual sobre la Vigilancia de los Sistemas de Pago Mundializar la solidaridad.

Una tasa sobre las transacciones financieras. Sara Benedicto de Pablo. Percepciones distintivas del emprendedor en la Comunidad Valenciana. Ivie, IVIE, Universidad Cardenal Herrera, Podemos tener democracia o podemos tener la riqueza en manos de unos pocos, pero no podemos tener ambas. Conclusiones del Consejo. Parlamento de La Rioja.

Proyecto Europa Retos y oportunidades. Recent evolutions of the social economy in the European Union. European Economic and Social Committee, Sin Permiso, Los retos del Tercer Sector ante la crisis. VI Foro Tercer Sector. Homs, O. IntermonOxfam, Sumario ejecutivo. Cajamar Caja Rural, La sombra de la crisis. Vivir Mejor. La voz de la sociedad ante la crisis. The weight of the crisis: Evidences from newborn in Argentina. Zerbikas Fundazioa, Save the Children, El acoso escolar y la convivencia en los centros educativos.

Consejo Escolar de la Comunidad de Madrid, El Aprendizaje-Servicio en la Universidad. Instituto de Estudios de la Familia, Becas y ayudas al estudio. Fin de la equidad. UGT, Les beques a examen. Bullying, cyberbullying y dating violence. Centro de Estudios Andaluces, Centro superior de deportes, Childcare services for school age children. A comparative review of 33 countries.

Informe de Eurydice y Eurostat. Octaedro, Contextos universitarios transformadores: retos e ideas innovadoras. Curso Universidad de La Laguna, De los procesos de cambio al cambio con sentido. Desigualdad y universidad. Dificultades de aprendizaje relacionadas con la lectura. Documentos profesionalizadores. Embajada de Finlandia, Instituto Iberoamericano de Finlandia, Reflexiones, experiencias, propuestas.

Education at a glance OECD indicators. Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development, Los estudiantes cuentan. Foro de Sevilla. Morata, Iluminando el futuro. Save the children, Informe sobre el estado del sistema educativo. Informe CYD Investigar con y para la sociedad. Volumen 1. Volumen 2. The investment case for education and equity. Lesbofobia, homofobia y transfobia en el sistema educativo. Un acercamiento cualitativo. Low-performing students: why they fall behind and how to help them succeed, PISA.

ISEI, Maltrato entre iguales Informe anual de Indicadores Necesita mejorar. Nuevas dimensiones de la convivencia escolar juvenil: Ciberconducta y relaciones en la red: Ciberconvivencia. Orientaciones educativas. Alumnado con altas capacidades intelectuales. Indicadores de la OCDE Parentalidad, perinatalidad y salud mental en la primera infancia. Ranking de excelencia educativa. Estudio Comparado. Rainbow Has. Derechos por medio de alianzas: innovando y creando redes en casa y en la escuela.

Redes colaborativas en torno a la docencia universitaria. Universidad de Alicante. Reducing early school leaving: key messages and policy support. La respuesta educativa en la escuela inclusiva al alumnado adoptado.

Libros y documentos electrónicos

Rethinking education: investing in skills for better socio-economic outcomes. Tendencias actuales de las transformaciones de las universidades en una nueva sociedad digital. Top - Innovaciones Educativas. Trends Shaping Education The value of childcare. Quality, cost and time. New Economics Foundation, Vitoria-Gasteiz, Gobierno Vasco, Active labour market programme participation for unemployment insurance recipients: a systematic review.

The Campbell Collaboration, Observatorio de las ocupaciones del SEPE, Cidec, Afiliados a la Seguridad Social. Agenda para el Empleo. Estrategia para la Competividad. Aprendices, becarios y trabajo precario. La apuesta por el talento en las cooperativas agroalimentarias. Barriers which inhibit the transition from school to employment.

Benchmarking working Europe European Trade Union Institute, Capital humano y empleo en los sectores productivos. Capital humano y empleo en tiempos de crisis II. Care work and care jobs for the future of decent work. International Labour Organization, Censo del mercado de trabajo Principales resultados por comarcas.

Consejo Andaluz de Relaciones Laborales, Tesis doctoral de Nelcy Yoly Valencia Olivero. Cooking, caring and volunteering: Unpaid work around the world. OECD, Crisis y mercado de trabajo en perspectiva europea.