Of 76 the states east of the Mississippi River, only Maine, with 40 people per square mile, is close to being as sparsely populated Brunner, , p. The eastern half of the state is mostly vast high plains grasslands with large cattle ranches and grain farms in the uplands and irrigated row-crop farms in the South Platte and Arkansas river valleys. The central and southwestern parts of the state are dominated by various ranges of the Rocky Mountains with 54 peaks reaching heights of more than 14, feet. The western and northwestern parts of the state are characterized by federally owned land, large sheep ranches, oil and gas fields, and rugged terrain covered with sagebrush, scrub oak, and short prairie grass.
The principal urban area is a centrally located north-south corridor along the eastern edge, or Front Range, of the Rocky Mountains with the cities of Fort Collins on the north and Pueblo on the south. The capital city of Denver is slightly northeast of the center of the state in this Front Range corridor. During the two decades considered by this study, through , the national economy experienced a number of business cycle expansions and recessions U.
Department of Commerce, , Table C These 77 expansions and contractions of the economy are reflected in the nations gross domestic product GDP Figure U. Department of Commerce. The difference between the two is that the GNP includes U. Since this study is concerned with the domestic economy, it uses the GDP as a reflection of the national economy. During the period, inflation and unemployment were high with both over eight percent. For the first time in more than ten years Colorado suffered a decline in the number of workers employed, but a gradual improvement was forecast for and beyond University of Colorado, , p.
After the recessionary bottom in , the national economy began a recovery until January, , and Colorado participated. Despite the expansion, it was a troublesome economic period. The national unemployment rate declined, but never fell below 5. President, , Table B Inflation rose rapidly to an annual rate of Bureau of Labor Statistics, Interest rates followed inflation to reach historic highs: 79 Figure 4. Treasury Bill dav Interest Rates. Although the real GDP grew during the period, the rate of growth continued to slip, until when it actually shrank by 0.
The decline lasted only six months, until July, after which the economy expanded until July, The next contraction lasted until November, The expansion that 80 followed became one of the longest economic expansions in the nations history. During the decade, the federal budget deficit was a continuing problem, but the GDP enjoyed positive growth except during Inflation slipped from its high of Overall, the unemployment rate shrank from more than nine percent in to a low of 5. Despite the generally good news, business failures rose rapidly during the early s, from a low of 40 per ten thousand.
By the rate was , but it had declined to 65 by the end of U. During the latter half of the s, Colorados experience was drastically contrary to the national experience. During the late s and early 80s, Colorado experienced the latest of its natural resource boom economic periods. Oil exploration companies and entrepreneurs of the s and 80s were only the latest in a line of risk takers to seek their fortune from the states natural resources.
Department of Energy, : Figure U. Department of Energy, Energy Information Administration Brown Ph. School District No. In the forty-plus years of the history of desegregation litigation, Keyes v. After twenty years of extensive litigation in the South, Denver became the first Northern desegregation case. This case is also notable as the first case to involve both African-American and Hispanic plaintiffs. The purpose of this historical case study, is to document the history of the Denver desegregation case from its beginnings in the late s, to its dismantling in Through the methodology of case study, this research provides a retrospective analysis and synthesis of the key events in the cycle of the initiation and dismantling of desegregation in Denver schools.
Primary sources of data include court documents, archival records, and newspaper articles. Drafts of the case study have been reviewed by key informants and participants in the case. Within this historical emphasis, a second objective of this study is to examine the impact and relationships between managerial, political, and legal aspects of Denver's desegregation experience.
The theoretical framework informing this study, emerges out of the managerial, political, and legal foundations of public administration. The tensions and conflict among these approaches are reflected through the history of this case. Examining desegregation policies and practices through these conceptual lenses, iv PAGE 5 provides a unique vantage point, and a comprehensive picture of the evolution and dismantling of desegregation in Denver emerges.
This study adds to our understanding of a complex history. It reveals why desegregation has been so important, and why it has been so difficult to achieve. Conclusions and policy implications drawn from this case are also discussed. This study reinforces the importance of policymakers, administrators, and community gaining a broader understanding of the multiple factors which can contribute to the success or failure of efforts to achieve equal educational opportunity.
This abstract accurately represents the content of the candidate's thesis. I recommend publication. They have given me as much support as any parents could give a daughter, and I have tried my best to make them proud. I also dedicate this study to my husband John and my three sons Mussa, Ra, and Kamau. Your patience with this process will forever be appreciated.
With your constant support, I was finally able to complete this protracted journey. You all have helped me in more ways than I can count. Many people had a hand in making this dissertation possible. I have incurred many debts along the way. Thanks to the members of my committee John Buechner, Richard Stillman, Richard Koeppe, and lrv Moskowitz for their insights and commitment to me and the completion of this degree.
My deepest thanks to Lewis, the chair of my committee, whose guidance and encouragement helped me to see the value of not giving up on the dream. There are few words to express the debt to my mentor-sister-friend LaFrancis Rodgers Rose, who since my years at Princeton University, has been an angel in disguise. Always gracious in demeanor, but never sparing in criticism, she never let me accept my own excuses.
She was able to tap into a reservoir of confidence that I had forgotten existed. And she has always demonstrated by example, the potential I hope to realize. I gratefully acknowledge, the Graduate School of Public Affairs and Norwest Bank for their financial support while I was completing my dissertation.
I am also indebted and grateful for the technical assistance provided by Cindy Rundstrom, whose expertise and archival records contributed both to the process and final product. My wish was to paint a scholarly portrait of Denver's experience with the desegregation of its schools. Without the willingness of many individuals who shared with me their personal experiences, this would not have been possible. The insight of attorneys in the case, Michael Jackson and Gordon Greiner has been particularly helpful in understanding this litigative history.
And finally, a special tribute to Rachel Noel, who sparked the struggle for desegregation in Denver. Thank you for living and telling your story. S Separate and Unequal Education Board of Education Topeka, Kansas II Denver and the Expansion of Schools The questions which motivate this research are: 1. What has been the impact of Keyes v. How have managerial, political, and legal factors affected the overall impact of this case on equal educational opportunity? What are the implications of these findings for the future of policy and practice regarding equal educational opportunity?
Through the methods of case study research, the researcher presents a "public administrative perspective" from which to describe the significant aspects of Denver's experience with desegregation policy. This framework provides a foundation from which to explore the relationships among the political, legal, and managerial aspects of the case. This perspective also places the historical discussion of Keyes in a context from which to address the above research questions. The Denver Public Schools holds its own in educational history as the landmark Northern desegregation case.
Unfortunately, after more than twenty-five years of desegregation efforts, equal educational opportunity remains elusive for many African-American, other ethnic, and poor students. As Denver moves beyond desegregation, there is a critical need to re examine where we've been in order to determine what the future of equal 1 PAGE 12 educational opportunity might require, and possibly to avoid repeating the mistakes of the past. The current climate of reform and legal challenges includes vouchers, charter schools, and privatization as alternative means for achieving equality and quality education for all children.
However, even these reforms, cannot escape the historical context of efforts to shape equal educational opportunity in Denver's schools. As Denver and its schools move forward in this uncertain landscape, there is a gap in the public memory and understanding of the full circle of segregation, desegregation, and the resegregation of the Denver schools. A framework is needed which allows community leaders, educators, and parents to understand more fully where we have been, possible lessons learned, and where we might go from here.
Desegregation policy researchers have noted the importance of developing and preserving the public memory of our desegregation experiences. Exploring the history of these changes is critical to the future of policy and practice in the post desegregation landscape. The history of any school district, the activities and direction provided by previous school boards and superintendents, is often vague.
If the district has no commitment to remembering and understanding its organizational history, that history is dependent upon word of mouth. The ever-changing nature of school boards with frequent elections results in a situation where there is little or no institutional or community memory, especially among those who are in a position to make a difference. In the Denver case, as with others, the history of these issues is often relegated to the archives. None to date has examined this history in light of the recent movement to return to the resegregation that neighborhood schools create.
The timeliness of this study is also important, because Denver and its schools are at a unique turning point, a point at which a backward glance may be useful. The vision of Brown and Keyes should not be lost. This study provides a retrospective analysis and synthesis of the events of the cycle of segregation-desegregation-resegregation of the Denver schools. Such historical information has value for current and future board members, administrators, teachers, and staff within the district, as they attempt to meet the challenge of providing equity and quality in future educational policy and practice.
The goal of providing students, even in segregated environments, with equitable and quality education cannot be isolated from the historical context of these issues.
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The changing landscape will require school leadership and community to be conscious of this history, its issues and lessons, in order not to repeat the mistakes of the past. The value of this study is not restricted to those who are in Denver or the Denver Public Schools. One district's history may serve as a source of information for other districts either as a guide or a warning. The first chapter places the Keyes case in the historical context of this nation's struggle with issues related to race, separatism, and unequal educational opportunity. This chapter relates the problem of separate and unequal education, and how it sparked the movement to desegregate America's public schools.
In the second chapter the writer defines a "public 3 PAGE 14 administrative framework," as the theoretical grounding through which the history of Keyes will be examined. In this framework, the managerial, political, and legal lenses provide a different vantage point from which to assess the impact of this case on Denver's schools and community. Chapters Three, Four, and Five describe the history of Denver's desegregation experience through the managerial, political, and legal lenses provided by three of public administration's conceptual lenses.
Finally, in Chapter Six, these conceptual lenses are and focused on the implications of this history, as the writer discusses conclusions and policy implications for the future of equal educational opportunity in Denver. Often-as when the Constitution was written, during the Civil War and Reconstruction, and throughout the decades of the civil rights movement, and since the Supreme Court's Brown decision in racial issues have riveted attention Bell Separateness in American Society Racial issues have been central in shaping the history of the nation.
The racial matters which emerged with the legacy of slavery have stamped their signature on each historical era up to the present day. Controversy regarding superiority and inferiority of the races, hostility and separatism have been the core residuals of this preoccupation. The legacy of racism and separatism left its mark on many aspects of the struggle of blacks for freedom, including education and literacy.
The denial of rights and opportunities to an education for African Americans has been inextricably tied to the political, economic, and social life of the country. Carter Woodson i observed in The Education of the Negro Prior to that: One can trace the waning of early liberal tendencies toward the education of the Negroes as the slave system evolved, followed by a brief upsurge in Negro education when the progressive trends of the American Revolution coincided with a temporary 5 PAGE 16 decline in the economic value of slavery. One can see the harsh supression of Negro education with the resurgence and expansion of slave power during the first half of the 19th century, and observe white churchmen and statesmen shifting from positive to negative attitudes regarding Negro education with the fluctuations in the political influences of the time.
Education for Woodson i , is a "dependant, inter-acting unit of the whole culture. Indeed, it lies at the heart of culture, and necessarily reflects the contending values which prevail at the time.
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The individual strivings of the likes of Benjiman Banneker, Phyliss Wheatley, and Frederick Douglas represent the efforts of many blacks to secure education despite the barriers established by the dominant culture. Writing in , the Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal observed that the United States was and is beset by an apparent paradox. The nation's commitment to universal justice and equality are contradicted by the way it treats its principal minority race. Myrdal termed this conflict between the professed ideals of the American people and the reality of our behavior in race relations An American Dilemma.
A more contemporary analyst of race and American culture, Andrew Hacker finds that "America is inherently a 'white' country; in character, in structure, and culture. Needless to say, black Americans create lives of their own. Yet, as a people, they face boundaries and constrictions set by the white majority. This practice was followed throughout the South until Emancipation. Slavery was a foremost concern for the delegates to the Constitutional Convention in as the founders declared in a provision of the Constitution that slaves were to be counted as "three fifths" of a person for taxation and representation.
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John Hope Franklin observes that "when the capitol of the United States was established in Washington in , they passed a law so blacks could not vote, could not hold office and could not even carry the mail. Those bills were signed by Thomas Jefferson, who had written the Declaration of Independence, and by the Congress, many of whom had been members of the Constitutional Convention. Q Matthews' interview In , the Fugitive Slave Act was passed, which made the national and state governments responsible for the capture and return of runaway slaves.
In , the Supreme Court described black Americans in the Dred Scott decision as a class of persons who were regarded as being of an inferior order, and altogether unfit to associate with the white race, either in social or political relations; and so far inferior, that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect Dred Scott v. Sanford 60 U. Anderson 25 maintains that, "the Dred Scott decision was It was 'all men' and not a race or color that were placed under the protection of the Declaration. In , the United States Congress admitted Oregon to the union as the only free state with a black exclusion clause in its original Constitution.
Oregon demanded that all free persons of color leave the state and subjected those who stayed to periodic floggings and later made them servants to whites Berwanger : The end of the Civil War and the Emancipation Proclamation brought hope to Blacks that they would begin to enjoy the fruits and rewards of freedom previously denied them Hope was further heightened when the 13th Amendment, proposed on February and ratified in December , officially terminated slavery in the United States The 14th Amendment gave blacks citizenship and due process, while the 15th Amendment gave blacks the right to vote.
Blacks believed that these amendments would end the debate over slavery. However, even the great emancipator, Lincoln. Despite these developments, the ingrained beliefs regarding the inferiority of blacks would continue to shape barriers to securing the rights and privileges enjoyed by the majority population.
Black hope and optimism were short lived as the Southern states quickly enacted the infamous Black 8 PAGE 19 Codes that substantially restricted the newly gained freedom of the ex slaves. The Black Codes differed from state to state.
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Provisions of various codes resulted in blacks not being allowed to enter a town without a permit, to own firearms, to purchase land within city limits, and adhere to curfews. Within the legal and political systems, blacks could serve as witnesses in court only when against other blacks, were required to pay a poll tax to vote, understand complicated passages of the Constitution, and were subjected to grandfather clauses. Some even maintain that white South Africa based its system of apartheid on the Black Codes of America. Thirty-one years after slavery was abolished, the South's movement into two separate societies-one black, one white was officially sanctioned by the Supreme Court in Plessy v.
Ferguson, 60 U. This decision was in response to a Louisiana law passed in that required railway companies carrying passengers to have separate-but-equal accommodations for whites and blacks. Plessy, who was one-eighth black protested that the 14th Amendment forbade racial segregation on railroad cars. The Court rejected the argument of Plessy that to be forced to ride in separate railroad cars stamped him "with a badge of inferiority". In disagreeing with Plessy, the Court upheld the doctrine of separate but equal.
By a seven to one margin, the Justices of the Supreme Court agreed that separate but equal public facilities did not violate the equal protection clause of the Constitution, and that the Amendment could not have been intended to abolish distinctions based on color or to require a commingling of the two 9 PAGE 20 races upon terms unsatisfactory to either.
Justice Henry Brown wrote the majority opinion: When the government, therefore, has secured to each of its citizens equal rights before the law and equal opportunities for improvement and progress, it has accomplished the end for which it is organized and performed all of the functions respecting social advantages with which it is endowed. Legislation is powerless to eradicate racial instincts or to abolish distinctions based upon physical differences, and the attempt to do so can only result in accentuating the difficulties of the present situation.
If the civil and political rights of both races be equal one cannot be inferior to the other civilly or politically. If one race be inferior to the other socially, the Constitution of the United States cannot put them on the same plane Piessy v. Ferguson, U. This ruling led the way for "Jim Crow" laws that required the separation of blacks and whites in almost every realm of life; in schools, housing, jobs, public accommodations, cemeteries, and hospitals.
In courts of law separate Bibles were used for black and white witnesses. In public places, white and "colored" signs designated which restrooms and water fountains were to be used. Blacks were allowed in public parks only on "colored day". Blacks were forced to sit in the rear of streetcars and buses. In restaurants, blacks could buy food only by entering a back door and then leaving to eat outside. The "separate but equaln doctrine in Plessy was used to justify two societies in America-one white and one black. The law supported racial segregation, legitimized educational apartheid and institutional duality, re-instated the traditions of white supremacy with black inferiority, and structured privilege based on the color of ones skin.
Blacks begin to leave the farms and move to the larger Southern cities. Race riots started as early as in Atlanta, Georgia. The worst race riots in the history of the country took place in the summer of in East St. Threats of violence and the promise of industrialization of the North, fueled black migration from the South. Separate and Unequal Education The elusive nature of equal education for African Americans is woven into the story of the larger failure of American society to make emancipation real. State and local governments maintained that it was the status of citizenship that entitled one to public education.
Because blacks were not citizens, they were not entitled to the benefi ts of public education In free states during the pre-Civil War years, there was almost universal denial of public education to black children. After the Civil War, four million slaves were emancipated. Ninety percent of them lived in the former slave states, and more than ninety percent of them were illiterate. By , only half of southern blacks claimed to be literate Margo 9. Racial separation of blacks and whites in public education had long been institutionalized throughout the United States, in both the North and the South.
Using Plessy v. Ferguson , segregated education became the status quo. The disparity between expenditures for black and white schools clearly demonstrated that separate did not necessarily mean equal. Separate and unequal schools meant the black teachers were paid less, facilities for black schools were substandard. Black students also had teachers with less qualifications than white students.
In the 's, more than one-third of the black teachers in 15 southern states had not complete high school. As late as , more than two-thirds of this population were not enrolled in public high school. The reverse was true for whites Anderson : 35 Utilizing its constitutional authority, the Supreme Court upheld the doctrine of separate but equal in public education following the Plessy decision. In Cumming v. Richmond County Board of Education U. I allowed the school board to close the black high school, so those affected had no high school to attend , and keep the white high school open.
The separate but equal doctrine itself, however, was not challenged. The Justices ruled similarly in Gong Lum v. Rice, U. The court would not intervene on behalf of Lum's daughter. Again, the doctrine itself was not challenged directly Fife. The NAACP began to challenge the constitutional validity of segregation in education in the years leading up to the Brown decision.
These cases dealt with graduate level education Missouri ex ref. Gaines v. Canada, Sipuel v. University of Oklahoma, Sweatt v. Painter, and McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents. In Gaines , the Court ruled that the state of Missouri had to provide blacks with a legal education on par with whites.
The state offered to pay the black students tuition at an out of state law school that accepted blacks, but the Court said that this wasn't enough and that equal accommodations had to be provided within the state. In , with Sipuel v. Board of Regents, Ada Sipuel, a black woman who applied to the only law school in the state at the University of Oklahoma was denied admission.
Her application was denied because a separate law school for blacks with "substantially equal" facilities would soon be opened. The Court ordered 13 PAGE 24 the university to admit Sipuel, open up a separate law school for her, or suspend the white law school until it opened one for blacks. The Oklahoma Board of Regents quickly created a separate law school by ordering a small section of the state capital in Oklahoma city to be roped off for black students.
Three law teachers were assigned to Sipuel and other blacks in her situation. This action by the Board of Regents rendered a great protest, and Thurgood Marshall brought the case back to the Supreme Court. He argued that the Regents had defiled the Court's mandate, but the Justices did not agree.
The Court ruled that the Regents had not acted in defiance of the Court's earlier decision Fife By , the Supreme Court was required to address the intangibles of graduate education that could not be achieved within the separate but equal doctrine The facts in Sweatt were similar to those in the case of Sipuel. As with Sipuel, he was rejected on racial grounds. Marshall represented Sweatt and attempted to persuade the Justices to review the original Plessy decision in their deliberations A unanimous Court ordered that Sweatt be admitted to the University of Texas Law School, and that the state could not provide black students with equal educational opportunity in a separate law school.
This was a first, and the Court did so on the grounds that the black law school created by Texas 14 PAGE 25 officials had failed to provide equal educational opportunity. Much to Marshall's chagrin, however, the Court did so without reviewing Plessy. The separate but equal doctrine was still the law of the land. McLaurin v. Oklahoma State Regents was also decided in George Mclaurin applied to the University of Oklahoma to earn a doctorate in education in His application was rejected on racial grounds.
After McLaurin initiated litigation, a federal district court ordered the state to provide equal educational opportunity. The state responded by permitting McLaurin to enroll in the University of Oklahoma, but the instruction had to be on a segregated basis within the university. He could not sit in regular classrooms, eat at the same time with white students in the cafeteria, and was assigned a segregated desk in the library behind the newspapers. Prior to the case being heard by the Supreme Court, Oklahoma officials modified their segregation practices by allowing McLaurin to be admitted into the same classroom with white students.
His assigned seat, however, was surrounded by a railing labeled "Reserved for Colored". McLaurin had to sit in a unmarked row by himself, sit at a table designated for him in the library, eat at his own table, though he could now dine at the same time as the white students. The restrictions were humiliating in the highest magnitude. Clearly the Oklahoma officials were attempting to send a strong message to black students interested in graduate education.
McLaurin also posed a dilemma. Unlike the preceding cases dealing with graduate education, McLaurin had not been denied equal educational 15 PAGE 26 facilities, at least in terms of measurable factors such as faculty, curriculum, and the availability of library and other resources. The true issue was the stigma of segregation itself. Although the Justices were not willing to review the Plessy rule, they determined that the restrictions forced on Mclaurin were inequalities and had to end. These early cases being prosecuted as The People of the United States of America vs the defendant, and were probably in the jurisdiction of the US Marshals.
Most of these cases are listed as Treason, etc. It appears that the courts had their hands full with notorious saloon-owning brothers Edward and John Chase, not to mention forgers and miners passing off counterfeit gold dust. You can order a copy of pages from the Arapahoe County Criminal Court Index, by calling the Colorado State Archives or placing an order through their website. RSS - Posts. RSS - Comments.
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