Last but not least, this work has produced empirical evidence to disprove ideological postulations about a purportedly bourgeois class standpoint. Research has often focused on an indistinctly determined spectrum of classes of ownership and economic classes and on class status, frequently within the context of local studies. One of the most influential town studies which was not part of a large-scale project addressed the bourgeois upper class in Basel and linked innovative social history analysis with cultural history.
The density of studies centering on sub-formations differs considerably. Depending on the assumed historical and political relevance, entrepreneurs appear to be more significant for the respective nation-state than craftsmen. Depending on the availability of sources and the extent to which these groups organized themselves and pursued their own political interests, the numbers of existing studies differs.
Without considering these conditions and their influence on the formation of the bourgeois middle classes, diachronic studies convey an abbreviated perspective and can easily lead to interpretations of purported decline. The majority of members of the bourgeois in the nineteenth century lead a way of life that was based on economic independence and an associated lifestyle marked by self-reliance, dealing with risks individually, and an appreciation of freedom and personal achievement.
What the word "majority" means here can only be demonstrated with any degree of reliability by pointing to the results of local studies. This is understandable, considering the fact that the term referred not only to the kind of hanseatic merchant who traded on a large scale with overseas customers epitomized by characters in Thomas Mann's novel The Buddenbrooks. For the most part, these were prosperous but hardly exorbitantly rich businessmen, and especially in the textiles sector, production and trade were frequently in the same hands.
It would be only a slight exaggeration to interpret some of their self-staged presentations as a habitus and rhetoric of protest against the stability and self-satisfaction of those who were economically independent. This was also the aim of Lothar Gall's classic argument about the "classless bourgeois society of 'median' forms of existence". The pre-industrial middle class society, structured around occupational groups, expected that social reforms and political emancipation would lead to a general dissemination of this bourgeois society. As a preindustrial and prerevolutionary movement, this bourgeois entered into what was at least a very ambivalent relationship to industrial modernity, which had far-reaching consequences.
As industrialization reached its height, the rise of white-collar workers and civil servants began; after World War II, it accelerated and its influence was heightened by the simultaneous decline in the relative numbers of workers among those pursuing paid employment. Since then, the category white-collar worker has become so generalized that it is basically meaningless, but contemporary surveys do not offer more differentiated categories.
This generalized spread of the white-collar worker is easily described in quantitative terms, whereas its socio-psychological effects are difficult to determine. More importantly, the majority of bourgeois occupational groups in the twentieth century was composed of white-collar workers and civil servants and thus of people who were not economically independent. How this social shift has affected the classic bourgeois values such as personal independence is a topic that calls for further research.
Conceptually, distinguishing the bourgeois from other social forms has been challenging. In contemporary societies, defining specific lifestyles as characteristic of the nobility, peasants, or the proletariat or determining how they shape society is hardly possible. Recent work therefore tends to declare discrete elements of behavior to be "bourgeois" and to then examine them more closely.
However, the results are seldom linked to a special bourgeois social formation. While this is interesting as a means of elucidating contemporary phenomena, this work often remains fails to critically assess the blind spots linked to the period in which it is undertaken. A key issue here is the material and cultural persistence of the middle class — or its threatened state. Third : Since the late nineteenth century, we have also seen the rise and expansion of the welfare state, which created, especially for wage earners, a range of state or state-regulated security systems.
What sociation processes Vergesellschaftungsprozesse merge these divergent middle classes to create social units? These processes are grounded in interests and values that shape action. Did a common culture amalgamate these "heterogeneous occupational groups" that came with diverse class interests to become a group capable of acting as a unit?
There have been and continue to be numerous attempts to determine a canon of culture and life forms through which the various subgroups attained and represented their mutual bourgeois status. Among the aspects named are individual achievement, work and the work ethic, a proclivity for rational lifestyles, self-employment, self-organization, education, an aesthetic relationship to high culture, family ideals, symbolic forms in daily life table manners, clothing styles, social conventions , etc. Such efforts were stimulated more often than not from outside of historiography, for example from ethnology.
Hermann Bausinger has argued that bourgeois culture should be grasped as a behavioral style, as "an interaction of norms and forms that even includes everyday occurrences" and backed up his argument with impressive examples but did not elucidate his argument on a conceptual level. To date, there have been no successful attempts to describe and verify historically the existence of such a consistent "bourgeois culture" that could indeed integrate socially heterogeneous parts. This may be due to the success of the bourgeois model in the "progressive democratization" of material and many immaterial cultural achievements.
Various methods can be applied to investigating bourgeois culture. One is oriented towards social "behavioral norms and modes of action". One could also address the forms of behavior and expression that have become widespread to an impressive extent in the past two centuries — from socializing in clubs and associations to other leisure time activities to home furnishings. The proletariat was shaped by class conditions and also formed common cultural forms of expression proletarianism. Bourgeois society thus offered a pattern for creating an order for the whole that included all subgroups and was based on legal principles.
Have the challenges which individuals face changed fundamentally from the earliest phase of the post-estatist and secularly-oriented world that developed around in comparison to the period of industrial modernity in the late nineteenth century and to today's globalized postmodern era? It is thus founded "not in a structural homogeneity but rather in cultural community", according to Friedrich Tenbruck. Questions pertaining to meaning in life were no longer answered primarily within a religiously defined space but rather in novels, in conversation, and in "convivial" contacts with those who were equally affected by these issues.
The arsenal of values proves to be highly flexible and capable of being adapted to diverse contexts. One means of bringing order to this conglomerate is to form contrasting pairs of values that represent alternative orientations. Rather, they represent, but do not strictly prescribe, ideal points of reference within possible life forms. Such dominant and important pairs are, for example, property versus education or material versus intellectual interest ; self-interest versus community interest; creativity following no purpose versus rationality tied to a goal and utility; emotion versus reason; achievement or work versus leisure.
The orientation based on these dimensions forms the ideal of the bourgeoisie, to which all subgroups have felt an obligation up to the present, despite their deviations from them in reality. Such learning processes, which can succeed or fail, generally become visible especially when new cultural interpretations are expressed.
Thus, the development of the neohumanist ideal of education around was an appropriate societal response to a specific problem: The individual processes of adopting social practices that were now required had to be open and flexible, but at the same time they had to become institutionalized, so that individuals could meet the flexible challenges of bourgeois society. The unique aspects of the neohumanist ideal of education were not the actual knowledge — in other words, the content — but rather the process of acquiring that content, the creative form of working with knowledge.
Throughout all crises and challenges that it has faced internally and externally, it has proven to be astonishingly adaptable. This finding is likely to be uncontroversial on the factual, phenomenological level. First, one should recall that the middle classes — the English term is more precise here, because of the use of the term class — have also expanded quantitatively in Western societies since The decline of industrial and rural workers and the rise of white-collar workers and of academic occupations and old and new service employment has meant that the middle classes have become the largest segment of the population in many societies.
But this again raises the problem of definitions, since there are no generally accepted criteria to delimit the "middle classes" on their upper and lower borders. However, data from social science research generally determines the middle class based on income levels. Presumably, the differences between the middle classes in industrialized countries and those in threshold countries are more significant than those between the middle classes and the classes above and below them in either the industrialized or the threshold countries.
The middle classes in threshold countries are much more at risk than those in industrialized states due to factors such as illness or unemployment, due to a general lack of state social security systems. Most surveys categorize whether people belong to the middle class based solely on income; criteria such as self-employment, management functions, etc. Since threshold countries generally still have a very large and very poor rural population, even very low-level service jobs in urban agglomerations security guard, train conductor, low-level clerical work, etc.
However, data on the size of the middle classes differ enormously, with estimates for global figures varying by several hundred million. Two analytical potentials, which will be outlined below, should prove useful for studying the middle classes in threshold countries. One might even argue that a comparison of today's middle classes in the emerging markets with the bourgeois as it took shape in the nineteenth century might prove more useful than comparisons with the bourgeois middle class in today's industrialized countries, since the life forms of the latter are based on assets that have accumulated over decades and on comprehensive state social security systems.
It is likely that structural commonalities can be discerned within the divergent paths taken into the modernity, whether in China or India, the Near and Far East, or Latin America. For comparative analysis, care should be taken to formulate definition criteria and the resulting descriptions of social formations very precisely.
Historically, three relevant dimensions can be identified: economic, political, and socio-cultural. The "bourgeois" middle classes earmarked as representing specific constellations of economic interests have a heterogeneous internal structure and include the members of the upper middle classes and the petit bourgeoisie, entrepreneurs, investors , tradespeople, shop owners, etc.
The socio-cultural dimension, in contrast, points to how "the citizen was privileged in a negative as well as a positive sense". This was generally based on a specific kind of life style and life forms as well as on special prestige values prestige based on ancestry or occupation and manifested itself in mutual circles for marriage and social contacts, according to Weber's classic definition.
For this reason, it is essential that researchers not only determine the structural dimensions of an economic, political, and cultural nature that shape the formation of the middle classes but also address the specific processes of sociation Vergesellschaftung that possibly — but not unavoidably — integrates these heterogeneous middle classes to form social units and thus potentially also units of action "in and of themselves" These sociation processes are founded on interests and value systems. If we consider the contemporary situation and recent research on the global middle classes on the backdrop of these observations, then it is apparent that the numbers of those who have acquired a certain amount of material assets is on the rise in almost all countries worldwide.
These groups do not practice traditional agrarian forms of production and rural lifestyles, nor do they have much in common with the industrial workforce. The interests of these people — who, in quantitative terms, are often self-employed with small businesses or low-level employees in the service sector — aim to secure material assets and the guarantees that contracts can provide; in other words, they seek legal certainty.
For most, their interests are based on knowledge and therefore on opportunities for education and training. Last but not least, these people develop the need to pass on property, competence, and status positions to their own children that extend far beyond the opportunities and procedures for transferring property through inheritance in rural societies. In future, researchers will be called on to study whether, in some states or regions of the world, these middles classes undergo sociation processes and whether needs, constellations of interests, cultural forms of expression, and value systems gradually merge across national and continental borders.
Then, and only then, would it be appropriate to refer to the global middle classes as a possible substrate for a "society of global citizens". Currently, the economic, cultural, and political differences presumably by far outweigh shared traits and tend to create rather than minimize differences. Global comparative study of these rapidly and constantly growing middle classes should not only focus on identifying and describing income and assets as well as lifestyle phenomena, in particular consumption. If specific patterns of lifestyle as defined by Weber are considered, other dimensions come into view.
Among the possible questions to be addressed are: What possibilities and expectations exist with respect to political independence and participation? To what extent is education valued as a specific sphere for acquiring global knowledge and to what extent does pertain not only to occupational training and knowledge that is useful in occupational and economic contexts? Have families assumed or preserved a role as an internal emotional space without representing a dominant formation such as clans or tribes?
Have urbanity as a life form and a plurality of values and norms emerged? Only such shared practices in social life — which have been outlined here with a few, by no means exhaustive examples — can form a basis for potentially perceiving these heterogeneous middle classes as a common societal formation. The appearance and the internal character of the middle classes in each of these countries are influenced by various factors and national circumstances.
Besides the economic order — put simply, the extent to which a capitalist market order is dominant — as one factor, there are five further spheres that, I would argue, are especially decisive:. Here, the legal system and the educational system occupy central positions, since they have impacts on the key interests and values of the middle classes.
A functioning legal system secures property and contract freedom; qualified educational institutions are essential for creating status opportunities based on achievement. The articulation and realization of interests are bound to institutions that promote the sociation of groups and create space for monitored self-regulation of needs. Frequently underestimated forms of local self-administration form the key arena for action in this context. In many regions in which the wealthy middle classes are undergoing enormous expansion, opportunities for gathering experience in political self-administration remain highly limited.
The European tradition defined as the "middle" of society and, as a result, the self-image of the middle classes regarding their basic political and social constellations is shaped by the ambivalent boundary shared with those above and the efforts to mark distinctions separating one from those below. In most regions of the world in which the new middle classes are expanding, the question arises whether such frontline positions also exist with respect to those above the middle class. What determines who belongs to the higher class and does it include capitalist property owners with large holdings, political elites in the state apparatus or the military or functionaries in political parties?
And what are the goals and challenges in marking distinctions towards those in lower positions? Max Weber highlighted the groundbreaking potential of Protestantism. Bernhard Groethuysen, in contrast, emphasized that dissociating oneself from religious prescriptions was a precondition for the genesis of a bourgeois life view. The middle classes should not be reduced to a global enrichissez-vous. The perceived need for a reliable legal framework, political stability, cultural diversity, and opportunities for individual development are older and deeper in their origins and bind people together more intensely than mere socio-economic goals — and they have been shown to be attractive beyond their historical source in old Europe.
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California Management Review, 28 , Facade and self-deception in the deteriorating financial firm. California Management Review, 29 , Balibar, Etienne. Spinoza : from individuality to transindividuality : a lecture delivered in Rijnsburg on May 15, Vol. Balibar, Etienne Ed. John Locke. Paris: Editions du Seuil. Spinoza et la politique. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France. In Robatel, Nathalie Ed. September pp. Hamburg: Argument. La philosophie de Marx. Masses, classes, ideas; studies on politics and philosophy before and after Marx. Paris: Galilee.
- News Archive 2000 - 2008.
- procession Manual.
- Rechtsnihilismus in Aktion;
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- Redeeming The Time: Get Your Life Back on Track with the God of Second Opportunities?
Spinoza and politics. Balicki, Jan;Bogucka, Maria.