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The party changed its name to Partito Nazionale Fascista. In , Fascists were instructed to wear uniforms, including black shirts, when in squads that were modeled after Roman army groups. All party members were considered squad members. Soon after, several Italian cities were seized by Fascist squads, who also burned down Communist and Socialist offices. In October , Mussolini threatened to march on Rome to take control of the government through violent force if it was not handed over.

The government was slow to act, eventually dispatching troops, though Fascists had already seized control of some local governments. He dissolved the government and asked Mussolini to form a new one. Soon after, the Italian parliament made suspicion of being anti-Fascist punishable by imprisonment without trial. The next year police rounded-up Socialists, and the government restricted their publishing activities. A Socialist deputy plotted to assassinate Mussolini, but the betrayal of a friend led to his arrest just before the attempt.

Several other assassination attempts followed. In , Fascists created a youth group called the Opera Nazionale Balilla, pressuring children to join. The Catholic Boy Scouts were dissolved and the formation of other youth groups became illegal. The same year, all Communist members of Parliament were arrested, and all Socialist members expelled. Anyone who could not be prosecuted for a crime was detained for up to five years and placed in island internment camps.

Cinemas were required to screen government propaganda in the form of newsreels. Fascists owned 66 percent of the newspapers and controlled reporting, issuing daily editorial guidelines and threatening editors with arrest. The Order of Journalists was created and membership was mandatory.

Newspapers were allowed to criticize the government as long as they generally expressed support. In , Italy left the League of Nations in solidarity with Germany. By October, the two countries had officially joined together as the Rome-Berlin Axis.

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Mussolini wrote an article in that aligned Italians with the German concept of the Aryan race. When anti-Jewish laws began to appear in Italy, Germany felt they were weak, but Mussolini was prepared to increase their severity as needed. Soon after, Mussolini called for the expulsion of foreign Jews from Italy. Soon Holland and Belgium also fell to Hitler. Sort order. Feb 01, Sheli Ellsworth rated it liked it Shelves: my-reviews. The author takes us on tour of the town, their small apartment, and the quaint Italian culture during a time of deprivation and devastation.

He describes the olive and almond harvesting; the drying, storing, and pickling of winter foods; the games the children played without the luxury of toys; fleeing from frightening air raids to sleep in barns and happier times like religious celebrations and carnevales. The author also expands on the unnecessary carnage in southern Italy, due to poor military strategy by Allied Forces. After the war, his family relocates to America and La Bianca goes on to graduate school in New York and eventually earns a Doctor of Arts degree.

The informational value of this book is extraordinary—a precious resource for anyone researching Italian life during this period. The numerous pictures, maps and illustrations help to clarify the descriptions and add flavor to the narrative. There are no discussion topics on this book yet. About Nicholas La Bianca. Nicholas La Bianca. Books by Nicholas La Bianca. Trivia About Growing Up Under Racism is not identified with fascism: you can say you hate black people and vote left.

The fear of foreigners has found fertile ground especially with the economic crisis that has impoverished the middle class since Today, the immigration issue monopolizes political discourse. February 3 — Luca Traini, a member of Lega Nord, shoots blindly at a group of African immigrants in Macerata, wounding 6. Luca Traini wanted to go to court to kill Innocent Oseghale, a Nigerian alleged to have murdered a girl named Pamela Mastropietro, but decided to shoot every black person he encountered along the way.

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This is what Traini himself reported in the spontaneous declarations he made to the carabinieri after the arrest. February 4 — Pavia: 25 fascists attack a group of 5 boys, some Italian and some immigrants. February 5 — Piacenza: Clashes at an anti-fascist parade against CasaPound. Videos spread virally across the peninsula of a carabiniere being beaten with his shield. February 9 — Rome: Anti-fascist demonstration in Torpignattara in solidarity with victims in Macerata. Several thousand attend. Police use water cannons and tear gas.

February 18 — Naples: Clashes and arrests as anti-fascists disrupt CasaPound rally. February 21 — Palermo: A local leader of Forza Nuova is found bound with adhesive tape in front of his office. Two anti-fascists are arrested for attempted murder, then released. Solidarity demonstrations openly defend the actions of the accused.

Their charges are reduced to simple battery. February 21 — Perugia: Fascists stab an activist of Potere al Popolo a new left party. February 22 — Torino: Police charge an anti-fascist demonstration that is disrupting a CasaPound demonstration.

One Family, Two Diverging Experiences in Fascist Italy

February 23 — Brescia: The library of the social center Magazzino 47 is set on fire by fascists. March 1 — Conclusion of the election campaign. In Rome, anti-fascists demonstrate in Argentina square.

March 4 — The Lega receives a lot of votes in the elections: The crowd is moving together, but slowly. Up front, locals are urging the crowd to come to the front to join the cordoni. In the cordoni, perhaps three or four rows of comrades about 20 abreast, arms are linked to prevent police or fascist attacks. Most of this crowd is masked. Behind them, perhaps ten feet of empty space. And then the banners with many more people in masks and the larger crowd behind this entire arrangement. The empty space between the cordoni and the banners ensures that the crowd does not stampede in the event of clashes, because those up front have a place to fall back without crashing into others.

The chanting is concussive and precise. When the first cluster of carabinieri block the crowd, the cordoni push into them without hesitation.


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Stones and bottles are thrown from behind, while young people with sticks exchange blows with the police. The whole crowd is chanting and clapping.

Growing up Under Fascism in a Little Town in Southern Italy. – Calandra Italian American Institute

Fireworks explode at the feet of the carabinieri. To the side, digos 2 are filming everything. When the fighting subsides, few have left the zone. A tense standoff ensues as organizers from Piacenza argue with the commanding officers. They finally reach an agreement that the entire crowd will be permitted to pass.


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Now we are winding through the cobblestone streets of this town, passing local shops filled with confused or worried patrons. Piacenza is one of the places in the north that did not experience widespread resistance to fascism at the beginning of the 20th century. Perhaps that explains why it has welcomed authoritarians like CasaPound intent on opening fascist social centers. It is not long before we reach another impasse with the police.

On a small road near the center of the village, large police trucks are surrounded by carabinieri and municipal police. Our crowd is absolutely unmoved by their threats and intimidation. They begin clubbing the cordoni, who respond in kind with sticks and PVC pipes. A gust of stones, bricks, and glass bottles fly from behind the banners, striking officers and police vehicles.

Suddenly, a cop falls to the ground. Together, union workers and black bloc anarchists snatch his shield and club from him.

A controversial museum is forcing Italy to talk about its fascist past

He is kicked and beaten with the weapons he was just using against us. His armor preserves him from injury, unlike our hoodies and helmets, but over the following 48 hours he will become a disgrace and laughingstock along the entire peninsula. Later, 20, people march in the small streets of Macerata, as several thousand had days before in Rome and a week earlier in Genova. Something decisive is developing. Piacenza: Hundreds of militant antifascists marched alongside a thousand townspeople and unionists to oppose CasaPound in the northern village. Afterwards, this video spread virally.

Rome is a difficult city. Its area, about square miles, represents a huge territory which can be divided into the North side more bourgeois and South side more poor , setting aside some exceptions. It is almost impossible for an anti-fascist movement to cover all the areas and zones, so there has always been a struggle between different quartieri districts. Historically, some of them belong to fascists, while others are clearly antifa zones. Fascist propaganda and aesthetics are usually based on the myth of the Roman empire; Rome has always been a strong electoral base for the far right.

Growing up in a city like this, as a young comrade or antifa, you always have to face fascists in front of your school and in public spaces. There have been several stabbings and one comrade murdered: Renato Biagetti, in , requiescat in pace.

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In a way, the movement is responsible for not responding more effectively from the beginning in when CasaPound opened their first squat, their headquarters near the central train station. We notice that every time our movement grows—for example, during the student protests of , the student riots of December , or the big riot of October —the fascists are always pushed back for a while and silenced. When our movement is at a low ebb, the fascists gain momentum. Here, among a mixture of immigrants Bangladeshi, Pakistani, Chinese, Latinos and local proletarians and sub-proletarians , we feel that we can build solidarity.

We have participated in building networks of mutual aid, anti-eviction struggles, and a free food program coordinated with a Bangladeshi association and other political groups of citizens. We believe that this is the best way to push back the fascists, preventing their political action whenever they show up in public, even when that means facing repression In our zone, CasaPound was beaten strongly when they attempted to set up a propaganda booth. Anti-fascist struggles and anti-racist positions should avoid any moralistic point of view, any attitude of judging from above. To be ready when the time is ripe for action, we have to maintain a daily struggle against resignation.

We have to destroy all the relations of power between us and attack the world that surrounds us, starting from our barrio poisoned by the capitalistic way of life. Alongside this motto that forms the name of our group, there is the sentence Punto Solidale Marranella, point of solidarity, because in a world of empty words, the most revolutionary act is to go straight to the point. Following the events in Macerata, Rome, and Piacenza, a whirlwind of news articles began circulating about the new wave of militant anti-fascism. Demonstrations were organized across the peninsula.

The clashes in Piacenza and mass militancy in Macerata demonstrated that the movement could even take root in small villages and towns, as the Resistenza had one hundred years ago. Protestors began to shut down Salvini campaign events in places like Rovereto and Livorno, just as anti-Trump protestors had done in Costa Mesa and Chicago.

Then, on February 16, clashes between anti-fascists and carabinieri in Bologna put the movement in international headlines, with police resorting to tear gas and water cannons in the historic university center as they had done 40 years earlier. In Italy, the palette for political violence is thoroughly developed on the left and the right.

In contrast to the US, violence alone is not usually enough to discredit a movement, although it might damage its reputation among moderates.


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  2. Growing Up Under Fascism In A Little Town In Southern Italy. – magoxuluti.tk.
  3. Benito Mussolini.
  4. The fact that Italian society is polarized in this way means that neither anarchists nor fascists are forced to appeal to the center to have mass support and influence. Following the events in Piacenza, Bologna, and elsewhere, the intensity of the conflict picked up. Fascists had beaten young anti-fascists in Genoa a month earlier, but now they were stabbing activists and torching social centers. In the chaotic southern city of Naples, hooligans and antifascists clashing with police were viciously beaten, methodically rounded up, and humiliated on live broadcast by being forced to their knees in a plaza and arrested one by one.

    In response, a fascist leader from Forza Nuova, the only organization to defend and applaud the shooting in Macerata, was kidnapped outside of his office in Palermo. He was bound with duct tape and beaten with sticks before being left in a ditch at the side of the road.

    Clashes continued to break out in Pisa, in Torino, across the country.