Eight ways the world is not designed for women - BBC News
The message he intended to send was clear, analysts said: The Islamic State still exists, he is still in charge, and its international network of militants will continue to launch painful, unpredictable attacks. If he felt compelled to reveal himself now, after years in hiding, they said, it was to reassert his authority in the face of a punishing loss in Syria.
Clarke, a senior fellow at the Soufan Center, a research organization for global security issues. It was unclear when or where the video was recorded, but the parts that refer to recent events, like the Sri Lanka attack, are addressed in audio, not video, suggesting that it may have been recorded weeks ago with newer audio portions added later. Much has changed for the Islamic State since Mr. That vision drew in tens of thousands of adherents from across the world, who populated an Islamist proto-state the size of Britain, stretching across Iraq and Syria with millions of people under its rule.
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Now that territory is gone, after a four-year battle that ended in defeat last month at the hands of American-backed forces in the town of Baghuz, Syria. Seated cross-legged on the ground in an Arab-style sitting room, he calmly told a group of unidentified followers that the battle was far from over. The video appeared at a critical inflection point for the Islamic State. Despite claims that the loss of the so-called caliphate in Iraq and Syria had vanquished the group, it is believed to still have thousands of fighters there who have gone underground.
And as it lost territory in the Middle East, it has expanded abroad, turning to its international affiliates to carry out attacks farther afield. Little is known about where and how Mr. To their credit, I consider the interview perhaps the best I have given. I was out of my comfort zone and I liked it. We ate and then took a walk in the grounds, all the while on the record. I asked Eric Schmidt to leak US government information requests to WikiLeaks, and he refused, suddenly nervous, citing the illegality of disclosing Patriot Act requests. And then as the evening came on it was done and they were gone, back to the unreal, remote halls of information empire, and I was left to get back to my work.
That was the end of it, or so I thought. For three-quarters of a year we had painstakingly managed the publication, pulling in over a hundred global media partners, distributing documents in their regions of influence, and overseeing a worldwide, systematic publication and redaction system, fighting for maximum impact for our sources. I decided it was necessary to bring forward our publication schedule by four months and contact the State Department to get it on record that we had given them advance warning.
The situation would then be harder to spin into another legal or political assault. Predictably, this statement was initially greeted with bureaucratic disbelief. We soon found ourselves in a reenactment of that scene in Dr. Strangelove , where Peter Sellers cold-calls the White House to warn of an impending nuclear war and is immediately put on hold.
He told us he would call us back. We hung up, and waited.
When the phone rang half an hour later, it was not the State Department on the other end of the line. He had just received an email from Lisa Shields seeking to confirm that it was indeed WikiLeaks calling the State Department. He could be placed in Egypt during the revolution, meeting with Wael Ghonim, the Google employee whose arrest and imprisonment hours later would make him a PR-friendly symbol of the uprising in the Western press.
Meetings had been planned in Palestine and Turkey, both of which—claimed Stratfor emails—were killed by the senior Google leadership as too risky.
State Department cables released as part of Cablegate reveal that Cohen had been in Afghanistan in , trying to convince the four major Afghan mobile phone companies to move their antennas onto US military bases. This sounds like a great idea. But if it was ever true, it has not been for decades.
The last forty years has seen a huge proliferation of think tanks and political NGOs whose purpose, beneath all the verbiage, is to execute political agendas by proxy. Eric Schmidt was born in Washington, DC, where his father had worked as a professor and economist for the Nixon Treasury.
He attended high school in Arlington, Virginia, before graduating with a degree in engineering from Princeton. By the time he left Sun, sixteen years later, he had become part of its executive leadership. There was nothing politically hapless about Eric Schmidt. I had been too eager to see a politically unambitious Silicon Valley engineer, a relic of the good old days of computer science graduate culture on the West Coast. On a personal level, Schmidt and Cohen are perfectly likable people.
And that is a problem. Google is "different". Google is "visionary". Google is "the future".
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Google is "more than just a company". Google "gives back to the community". Google is "a force for good". In , Google arrived on the list of top-spending Washington, DC, lobbyists—a list typically stalked exclusively by the US Chamber of Commerce, military contractors, and the petrocarbon leviathans. In Autumn the Obama administration was trying to drum up support for US airstrikes against Syria.
Despite setbacks, the administration continued to press for military action well into September with speeches and public announcements by both President Obama and Secretary of State John Kerry. Secretary Kerry answers questions on Syria. Today via Hangout at 2pm ET. If anything has changed since those words were written, it is that Silicon Valley has grown restless with that passive role , aspiring instead to adorn the "hidden fist" like a velvet glove. Writing in , Schmidt and Cohen stated,.
This was one of many bold assertions made by Schmidt and Cohen in their book, which was eventually published in April By the time it came out, I had formally sought and received political asylum from the government of Ecuador, and taken refuge in its embassy in London. At that point I had already spent nearly a year in the embassy under police surveillance, blocked from safe passage out of the UK. Billed as a visionary forecast of global technological change, the book failed to deliver—failed even to imagine a future, good or bad, substantially different to the present.
The scholarship was poor—even degenerate. It did not seem to fit the profile of Schmidt, that sharp, quiet man in my living room. But reading on I began to see that the book was not a serious attempt at future history. It was a love song from Google to official Washington. For an American internet services monopoly to ensure global market dominance it cannot simply keep doing what it is doing, and let politics take care of itself. American strategic and economic hegemony becomes a vital pillar of its market dominance.
For these emails and more, see the collection of sources at when.
Eight ways the world is not designed for women
This email is included in the collection of sources at when. This cable is included in the collection of sources at when. In May , WikiLeaks revealed that the NSA had gained access to all Afghan mobile phone calls and was recording all of them for later retrieval.
Collection available at: archive. See also the collection of sources at when. For more on Jared Cohen from the WikiLeaks archives see archive. So Jared Cohen was at DoS then and played a major role in starting the organization. The main goal was just spreading the good word about the US. The Sourcewatch. Edelman, Inc. For the sponsors of Movements. See also a screenshot of the results listed for Eric and Wendy Schmidt on the Open Secrets website, archive. Rita E. Hauser profile on the New America Foundation website: archive. Jonathan Soros profile on the New America Foundation website: archive.
Helene D. Gayle profile on the New America Foundation website: archive. Daniel Yergin profile on the New America Foundation website: archive. See the full board of directors on the New America Foundation website: archive. It is time for US President Barack Obama to demonstrate that he can order the offensive use of force in circumstances other than secret drone attacks or covert operations. The result will change the strategic calculus not only in Damascus, but also in Moscow, not to mention Beijing and Tokyo. Jared Cohen has retweeted approval for Slaughter on the issue. In , Palantir was involved in the HBGary scandal, having been exposed as part of a group of contractors proposing to take down WikiLeaks.
White House visitor records are available from its website, archive. Partially, this is a vestigial ethic from the Californian libertarian origins of online pro-privacy campaigning. Partially, it is a symptom of the superior public relations enjoyed by Silicon Valley technology corporations, and the fact that those corporations also provide the bulk of private funding for the flagship digital privacy advocacy groups, leading to a conflict of interest. At the individual level, many of even the most committed privacy campaigners have an unacknowledged addiction to easy-to-use, privacy-destroying amenities like Gmail, Facebook and Apple products.
As a result, privacy campaigners frequently overlook corporate surveillance abuses. When they do address the abuses of companies like Google, campaigners tend to appeal to the logic of the market, urging companies to make small concessions to user privacy in order to repair their approval ratings. There is the false assumption that market forces ensure that Silicon Valley is a natural government antagonist, and that it wants to be on the public's side—that profit-driven multinational corporations partake more of the spirit of democracy than government agencies.
Many privacy advocates justify a predominant focus on abuses by the state on the basis that the state enjoys a monopoly on coercive force. This view downplays the fact that powerful corporations are part of the nexus of power around the state, and that they enjoy the ability to deploy its coercive power, just as the state often exerts its influence through the agency of powerful corporations. The movement to abolish privacy is twin-horned.
Privacy advocates who focus exclusively on one of those horns will find themselves gored on the other. The program was officially discontinued in after public outcry, but its legacy can arguably be seen in recent disclosures on bulk spying by the National Security Agency. See Seymour M. See also Seymour M. Google explicitly prides itself on keeping its front page free of all interference. Placement in search results is never sold to anyone, and advertising is not only clearly marked as such, it offers relevant content and is not distracting. On the rare occasions Google adds a single line to the search page to plug its own projects, like the Chrome browser, that choice itself becomes news.
Google is committing to this ambition. Since the beginning of , Google has bought nine experimental robotics and artificial intelligence companies and put them to work towards an undeclared goal under Andy Rubin, the former-head of Google's Android division. Schaft Inc, a Japanese company, is tipped to triumph at the DARPA competition with its entry—a bipedal, human-like robot that can climb stairs, open doors, traverse rubble, and is impervious to radiation.
The other company, Boston Dynamics, specializes in producing running, walking, and crawling military robots for the Department of Defense. Google's real power as a drone company is its unrivalled collection of navigational data.