In fact, in broth medium, the two L. Once a pathogen reaches the intestinal mucosa, its adhesion to the components of the host's extracellular matrix seems to be a prerequisite for bacterial colonization and invasion of the subepithelial tissues, because it ensures that the pathogen will not be rapidly eliminated from the gut Westerlund and Korhonen It has also been described that some Lactobacillus strains can strongly adhere to the gut mucosa, and as a consequence, they interfere with the adhesion of pathogenic bacteria to intestinal cells Servin In this work, the five lactobacilli analysed were able to interfere with the adhesion of an enteropathogenic Salmonella strain to hog mucin.
Under competition and exclusion conditions, L. In contrast, the two L. On the other hand, the preincubation of the lactobacilli strains with the Salmonella strain led to an important decrease in the adhesion of the pathogen to mucin, which suggests that some of the metabolites produced by the Lactobacillus strains could have affected inherent adhesion properties of this pathogenic strain. In conclusion, the antibacterial activity of the Lactobacilli strains tested is a multifactorial process involving different mechanisms of interference in pathogen adhesion. The oral administration of the five Lactobacillus strains to mice inoculated with S.
In conclusion, the four breast milk lactobacilli, and particularly L. Volume , Issue 1. If you do not receive an email within 10 minutes, your email address may not be registered, and you may need to create a new Wiley Online Library account. If the address matches an existing account you will receive an email with instructions to retrieve your username.
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In vitro interference assays Interference experiments were performed with fluorescent S. Results In vitro assays In this study, different in vitro assays were carried out to characterize the antimicrobial potential of the Lactobacillus strains studied. Salmonella choleraesuis Escherichia. Results show mm of inhibition halo for 10X concentrated supernatants of the probiotic strains. Figure 1 Open in figure viewer PowerPoint.
Figure 2 Open in figure viewer PowerPoint. Figure 3 Open in figure viewer PowerPoint. Figure 4 Open in figure viewer PowerPoint. In vivo murine infection model The protective effect of the Lactobacillus strains against infection of S. Figure 5 Open in figure viewer PowerPoint. Adlerberth, I. Hanson and R. Yolken pp. Google Scholar. Crossref Google Scholar. Free Access. Tools Request permission Export citation Add to favorites Track citation. Share Give access Share full text access. Share full text access. Please review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.
In vitro interference assays Interference experiments were performed with fluorescent S. Results In vitro assays In this study, different in vitro assays were carried out to characterize the antimicrobial potential of the Lactobacillus strains studied. Salmonella choleraesuis Escherichia. Results show mm of inhibition halo for 10X concentrated supernatants of the probiotic strains.
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Index of EZ5SQJTI2 aa472
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Upon the death of Don Pedro de Aragon, the chi ld Enrique de V i l l e n a remained under the tutelage of his grandfather and, when the time came for his education to begin, went to l i v e with Don Alfonso on his estates i n Aragon. L i t t l e i s known of his mother except that she later remarried, becoming the wife of the Infante Don Dionis , pretender to the Portuguese throne, thereafter s tyl ing herself "Queen of Portugal. From him we learn that Don Alfonso wished to bring up the chi ld as a knight but that, doubtless to his grandfather's 28 everlasting dismay, the young Enrique much preferred his study and his books to the manly art of chivalry.
E l en su ninez quando los nifios suelen por fuerca ser llevados a las escuelas, e l contra voluntad de todos se dispuso a aprender.
Who his teachers were, and where he obtained his books, we do not know. The popular legends of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries connect him, as a young man, with the schools of "magic" i. Whilst Waxman i s incl ined to take this cum grano s a l i s , pointing out quite correctly that the legends are much older than V i l l e n a and that they have simply been transferred to a more contemporary Spanish loca le , i t must be admitted that V i l l e n a does show some acquaintance with many s c i e n t i f i c works which are s t i l l preserved today i n the Cathedral Library at Toledo.
At the same time, however, we have no evidence to support any claim that he attended a University and the nature of the somewhat haphazard learning displayed i n his extant works does not seem to be the result of formal schooling i n any particular d i s c i p l i n e , but rather of the enquiries of a par t icular ly curious autodidact.
In , when the condestablia was worth 60, maravedis, Don Alfonso was removed from off ice because of his continued refusal to heed the frequently repeated summons to present himself at the court as tutor of the new King Enrique III who had not yet reached his majority. Don Alfonso attempted to excuse his previous conduct; the King, doubtless to test his loyal ty and good f a i t h , asked for Alfonso's assistance against the forces of the Duke of Benavente which were dis turb-ing the peace of Cast i le.
Synonyms and antonyms of costreñir in the Spanish dictionary of synonyms
When this was refused, the King and Don Alfonso parted company on less-than-cordial terms, the la t ter returning to his estates. This was not the attitude to take with the King of Cas t i le , and Enrique III was not prepared to le t the matter rest. Don Alfonso's removal from the off ice of Condestable had been ample return for his refusal to serve as the young monarch's tutor ; his insolence in seeking reinstatement whilst at the same time refusing the King his assistance in a matter of internal security required sterner measures. The matter of the only p a r t i a l l y f u l f i l l e d marriage agreements between the sons of Don Alfonso and the daughters of Enrique II aunts of the new King Enrique III had not been set t led.
Dona Leonor had, to a l l intents and purposes, been cheated out of a husband and the crown had been cheated out of the 30, f l o r i n s which represented her part of the dowry of 60, paid in advance to the Marquis. Also , Don Alfonso no longer had any right to retain the 30, f l o r i n s paid on behalf of Dona Juana, now that she was a widow. In order to reclaim these losses, the King confis -cated the marquisate of V i l l e n a and revoked Don Alfonso's t i t l e , which thus passed to the crown.
As Cotarelo points out, "algo ancha tuvo D. Enrique e l Doliente l a manga en este procedimiento; porque, siendo e l importe de l a reclamacion It appears that Don Alfonso, as Marquis of V i l l e n a , had ruled over his estates as though he were in fact a monarch in his own r ight. That the "King's writ" did not run i n the marquisate is made quite clear by the Cronica de Juan I : "E despues que e l senorio del marquesado ovo e l dicho Marques, non consentia que ninguna apelacion de su t i e r r a fuese a l Rey, nin a l a su Audiencia, 9 nin consentia que carta del rey fuese en su t i e r r a conplida.
The outcome was that Don Alfonso found himself stripped of a l l the possessions and dignities which had been conferred upon him by Enrique II and Juan I , although he retained control , temporarily, of the w e l l - f o r t i f i e d towns of V i l l e n a and Almansa. The person who suffered most from this reverse of fortune was, of course, Don Enrique de V i l l e n a. Don Alfonso was s t i l l a powerful man in Aragon, but the heir to his Aragonese estates was his eldest son Alfonso, Enrique's uncle.
The marquisate of Vi l lena had reverted to the Cast i l ian crown, thus making i t v i r t u a l l y impossible for Don Enrique to succeed to i t ; he could expect to inherit nothing in Aragon and l i t t l e else i n Castile from his mother, by now the se l f - s ty led "Queen" of Portugal. His ambitious attempts to better his unhappy lot were, as we shal l see, 31 doomed to f a i l u r e , with, the result that he spent the rest of his l i f e in a state of what, for a man of such noble lineage, must have been tantamount to dire poverty.
Don Enrique de V i l l e n a , therefore, began his public l i f e with the prospect of a rather uncertain future. The earl iest date recorded of his part icipation in state ceremonies i s October, 5 when Martin e l Humano was crowned in Zaragoza. On the day of the coronation there was a pro-cession of "los q u e. Alonso hermano de Enrique un chapeo muy adornado de piedras y perlas , que era l a insignia de aquella dignidad que habia de r e c i b i r , y detras seguia D.
Enrique, su nieto, que llevaba l a bandera de sus armas. H During the f i n a l years of the fourteenth century we do not know the precise date , V i l l e n a l e f t Aragon for the court of C a s t i l e , where he seems to have enjoyed a certain measure of protection and friendship from his cousin, Enrique III. The indications are that i t was s t r i c t l y a marriage of convenience. The Albornoz estates included a number of towns or v i l l a s which had formerly belonged to Don Alfonso de Aragon and which, under normal circumstances, would have been inherited by Enrique de V i l l e n a.
To a certain extent, therefore, the marriage can be seen as an attempt to compensate p a r t i a l l y the loss of the V i l l e n a estates. It 32 has been suggested that , as a result of the obvious favour shown towards him. There is no documentary evidence to support this contention, but i t i s a dis t inct p o s s i b l i t y.
We do know, however, that " e l rrey don Enrrique. The date of V i l l e n a ' elevation to the rank of Count i s not known,but i t must have been before Rumour would have us believe that his wife , Dona Maria, had become 15 the King's mistress.
EZ5SQJTI2 aa - magoxuluti.tk
If i t i s true, i t may help to explain why, i n the spring of l 4 o 4 , at the age of twenty, V i l l e n a took i t into his head to leave the court and to t ravel the world in search of his fortune. A nostre molt car nebot don Henrich de V i l l e n a. Dominus rex mandavit mihi Guillelmo Poncii. However, i t seems fairly-certain that the l e t t e r from Martin e l Humano, as well other considerations, secured V i l l e n a ' s prompt return to the Court of C a s t i l e , although, as we shal l see, within four years he was in Martin's Court at Barcelona.
One of the other considerations instrumental i n effecting his return to Castile yr i n ihOk was the death, "en edad de setenta anos," of Don Gonzalo Nunez de Guzman, Maestre of the Order of Calatrava. With an ambition v i r t u a l l y amounting to insolence in a young man of twenty years, Enrique de V i l l e n a presented himself as a candidate for the maestrazgo, with the f u l l support of the King of C a s t i l e , Enrique III had sound p o l i t i c a l reasons for en-couraging V i l l e n a i n this ambitious scheme.
It is well known that he had long cherished the desire to wage war on the i n f i d e l kingdom of Granada in the hope of f in ishing off the work of reconquest which, over the centuries, had gradually lost i t s momentum. Now one of the most outstanding characteristics of the p o l i t i c a l situation of fifteenth-century Castile i s the extremely precarious balance of power between the Crown, as the supposed central authority, and the n o b i l i t y.
Thanks to the mercedes of Enrique I I , considerable power had been distributed w i l l y - n i l l y to the great nobles with the result that the authority of the Crown had been greatly diminished. As the King kept no standing army, he was forced to re ly on the nobles and on the M i l i t a r y Orders to provide for his mil i tary needs.
But the pla in fact was that , 3 U because of the Crown's fundamentally weak posi t ion , he could not re ly on them to support his ventures i f they did not approve. The preparations for mounting a campaign such as Enrique had i n mind involved, therefore, p o l i t i c a l machinations of almost Machiavellian proportions before there could be any hope of an army taking to the f i e l d.
The King had to make very sure that the balance of power swung i n his favour. As Ines MacDonald points out: Power was essential for the Crown's preservation, especially since the middle of the fourteenth century, when the new hierarchy of nobles had been created by Henry I I. But even before then History had recorded various encroachments by the crown on the privileges of the M i l i t a r y Orders, which, by the opening of the f i f teenth century, constituted a menace to the State. It was because the Crown had no army of i t s own that i t so coveted the Maestrazgos of the M i l i t a r y Orders.
But, owing to the or ig inal constitution of these bodies , the Comendadores had to be l e f t free to elect as Maestre whomsoever they chose; moreover, as they only recognised the authority of the Pope above that of the Maestre, they did i n fact form a State within a State. The Kings, therefore, i f they wished to be sure of the support of the Orders , had to persuade the Comendadores to elect a candidate chosen by the Crown.
V i l l e n a , however, was not e l i g i b l e ; on the one had, he held the t i t l e of Count of Cangas and Tineo and, on the other, he was married. The f i r s t impediment was easily surmounted by V i l l e n a ' s renunciation of the t i t l e i n favour of the Crown, together with the waiving of his rights to the Marquisate.
A solution to the second problem was conveniently supplied by his wife 's pet i t ion for a divorce on the unsubstantiated grounds of his impotence. Dona Maria, doubtless 35 with the object of winning a swift papal decision i n her favour, made the token gesture of wishing to embrace the religious l i f e. In fac t , the King had made i t quite clear that she would only remain within the cloisters u n t i l Don Enrique was elected Maestre, after which she would be free to return to the Court and i f the 1 9 rumours are to be believed to the King's bed.
In the meantime, Enrique III had ordered the postponement of the election of the new Maestre u n t i l he could be there i n person, and secretly prevailed upon the most i n f l u e n t i a l of the electors to cast their votes in V i l l e n a ' s favour. They met i n convocation at the church of Santa Fe i n Toledo.
V i l l e n a ' s renunciation of his secular claims and t i t l e s was made p u b l i c ; the papal b u l l of separation, absolving him from his marriage to Dona Maria, was proclaimed; Don Enrique was at t i red i n the habit of f r e i l e i n the Order of Calatrava, having received papal permission to dispense with the novi t ia te , and f i n a l l y , i n the presence of the King, he was elected Maestre.
The e lec t ion , however, did not go unopposed. A number of knights of the Order met i n Calatrava to declare the Toledo election i n v a l i d , and to appoint their r i v a l Maestre i n the person of Don Luis Gonzalez de Guzman, nephew, or possibly the son, of the previous Maestre. The King and V i l l e n a were thus obliged to go to Calatrava to confirm the election which had taken place at Toledo. Doubtless under the threat of violence, the dissident faction was subdued, with the exception of Don Luis Gonzalez de Guzman who f l e d to A l c a n i z , the pr inc ipal encomienda and convent of the Order i n Aragon, where he would be able to plead his cause with the Pope i n an atmosphere less fraught with personal danger.
Rades y Andrada, i n his Croriica de Calatrava, records a number of minor items referr ing to V i l l e n a ' s administration of the Order, and indicates that V i l l e n a was present as we would have expected at the Cortes which Enrique III held i n Toledo towards the end of lUo6 to make preparations 20 for his proposed campaign against the kingdom of Granada. The King's death on December 25, , brought to a close V i l l e n a ' s short period of undisputed enjoyment of the Maestrazgo.
The Cronica de Juan II indicates that V i l l e n a had committed "muchos desaguisados e sinrazones" against the 21 f r e i l e s comendadores of the Order. For this reason, upon the death of Enrique I I I , the knights "le quitaron l a obediencia," having congregated i n Calatrava and f o r t i f i e d the convent i n anticipation of a siege. V i l l e n a was not l e f t without supporters, however, and with their assistance he was 22 able to maintain his authority by force of arms for some time. His closest fr iend at this time was his cousin, the Infante Don Fernando, co-regent of Castile with the queen-mother Dofia Catalina de Lancaster or Alencastre as i t appears i n the chronicles during the minority of Juan I I.
In V i l l e n a accompanied Don Fernando to Andalusia at the start of the campaign against the Moors of Granada. He entered Sevi l le with the Infante'and numerous other knights and dignitaries on Wednesday, June 22 23 of that year. However, there is no record of V i l l e n a having played any part i n the f ighting which took place during this f i r s t campaign. A document dated February 22, l 4 0 8 records the following 37 ceremony: En aquest dia lo senyor Rey [Don. Martin 1 edif f icha lo monestir de l a orde dels frares Celestins , lo qual fon edificat en. En los fonaments del qual foren posades , lo di t d i a , les pedres segiients, go es: l a primera pedra per l 'archabisbe de C a l l e r ; l a segona langa lo senyor Rey per s i mateix; l a terga langa lo di t senyor per l a senyora Reyna, de bona memoria, muller qui fon de di t senyor; l a quarta l a reyna dona Yolant; l a , v a.
Martin de Riquer has made i t quite clear that V i l l e n a not only enjoyed the favour of Martin I , but also his active support i n the matter of V i l l e n a ' s claim to the Maestrazgo. Martin I wrote several let ters on the subject, and refers constantly to V i l l e n a as Maestre de Calatrava. He con-tinues : 38 Como a nos sia bien cierto que ' l Maestro de Sanct Yago es passado d'esta v i d a , e cubdiciemos muyto que ' l venerable frayre Henric, maestre de Calatrava, cosfn vuestro e nuestro, por t i r a r scandalos inconvenientes e pleytos que en sus feytos se porian seguir, s i no h i era devidament provedido, fues transportado en e l maestrado de Sanct Yago vagant, segund que desuso es d i t o , por muert del gaguero aquell possehint, rogamos-vos , assin affectuosa-ment como podemos , muy caro e muy amado sobrino, que por honra nuestra querades s c r i v i r a l Padre Sancto que placia a l a sua Beatitut provedir de dito maestrado de Sanct Yago a l Maestro de Calatrava desuso d i t o , e u l t r a d'esto tener todas las mellores maneras que poredes que est i feyto, e l qual muyto havemos a coragon, venga a conclusion devida.
Nos e l Rey d'Aragon, vos embiamos muyto a saludar, assin como aquella que mutxo amamos e pora qui querriamos que diesse Dios mucha salut e honra. Reyna muy cara e muy amada cormana: una de las cosas que' mas deseamos e havemos muyto a coragon es que ' l Mestre de Calatrava, vuestro f i l l o , caro sobrino nuestro, possediesse pacificament su maestrado, e que los rebelles a e l l fuessen bien punidos , e retornassen aquellos que partidos ne son a su obediencia e devocion. E por esto escrivimos con nuestras letras a l Rey de C a s t i e l l a , nuestro muy caro e muy amado sobrino, rogando que quiera sobre aquesto de algun buen remedio prevehir, car nos e a l Rey de S i c i l i a , nuestro muy caro primogenito, que aquesto ha sobiranament a coragon, h i entendemos ayudar assin con e l Padre Santo como en otra manera en todo lo que possible sera.
A note at the end of the let ter states that a copy of i t was sent to the Queen of Navarra, Dona Leonor de C a s t i l l a , with hermana replacing cormana. Per que vos rogamos con grant affeccion, rey muy caro e muy amado sobrino, que por honrra nuestra querades mandar a los ditos comendadores que cumplan luego tan tonst e l mandamiento e ordinacion del dito Padre Sancto a ellos feyto sobre las cosas desuso ditas , quar en otra manera e l dito Maestre no trobaria qui le emprestas o bestragues alguna quantia de moneda en las suyas necessidades, e convendria-le a b i v i r con grant vergonya de vos e nuestra, l a qual cosa devemos muyto esquivar.
Now a number of interesting considerations emerge from this corre-spondence. The f i r s t and most obvious point i s that these documents help to f i l l a notable lacuna i n our knowledge of that period of V i l l e n a ' s l i f e when i t was generally thought that he was i n Andalusia with Fernando de Antequera. The second point is that V i l l e n a undoubtedly took advantage of his v i s i t to Barcelona to mingle with the poets , scholars and writers of Martin's Court; we can be f a i r l y certain that he must have come into contact quite frequently with Bernat Metge who, at that time, was secre-tary to the king.
The t h i r d , and most important point , concerns the f i e s t a de l a Gaya Ciencia , held i n Barcelona, which V i l l e n a describes in. Riquer points out that u n t i l now i t has been generally considered that V i l l e n a f i r s t came to the Aragonese 4o Court in l4 l2 in the entourage of Fernando de Antequera, and that the f ies ta described i n the famous passage from the Arte de trovar took place during Fernando's reign as King of Aragon.
Alvar Gomez de Castro, the sixteenth-century writer from Toledo, whose abridged and annotated version of the Arte de trovar i s the one which has come down to us, did not know of the documents which we have just examined, and which prove that V i l l e n a was i n Barcelona at least four years before l 4 l 2. He did know probably through the Cronica de Juan I I , as Riquer suggests that V i l l e n a came to Aragon with Fernando in , and for that reason i t must have seemed l o g i c a l to conclude that the f i e s t a i n which V i l l e n a played such an im-portant part must have taken place during Fernando's reign.
However, we now know that V i l l e n a not only enjoyed the friendship and support of Martin I , but that he was i n his Court in l4o8 and l40 Q. As Riquer says, " s i leemos este pasaje Cdel Arte de trovar3 prescindiendo de las ediciones de Alvar Gomez no cabe duda de que l a f ies ta descrita por don Enrique de 3 0 V i l l e n a l a situaremos en e l reinado de Martinel Humano. As Don Fernando made his triumphant return from Antequera,. On June 28, l 4 l 2 , Don Fernando e l de Antequera was elected King of 41 Aragon by the compromisarios at Caspe, and when, on August 5, l 4 l 2 , he 32 set foot i n his new kingdom, Don Enrique de V i l l e n a went with him.
We must remember, however, that Don Fernando was elected, not unanimously, 33 but on a majority vote only, and that a Catalan faction of considerable power, unsympathetic to the idea of a Cast i l ian monarch i n Aragon, refused to accept the decision of Caspe and r a l l i e d to the support of their favour-i t e , Don Jaime or Jaume , Count of U r g e l l. Jaume d 'Urgel l ' s claim to the throne of Aragon was almost as strong as Fernando's.
He was, moreover, a Catalan, and from a family older than the royal house i t s e l f. History, however, has not treated him kindly , and he emerges from the pages of Ines MacDonald's account of Fernando's reign as a swashbuckling but p o l i t i c a l l y naive adventurer, completely dependent upon his equally incompetent advisers.
Much of his conduct at this period can also be explained by the malign influence of his scheming and ambitious mother, the Dowager Countess of U r g e l l , Dofia Margarita, who goaded him con-t i n u a l l y with her uncompromising repetit ion of the motto she had invented: " F i l l , o r e i o no-res. Although theoretical ly strong enough at the time of Fernando's e lec t ion, to seize the Crown of Aragon for himself, Jaume had by the summer of , allowed himself to be manoeuvred i n both a p o l i t i -cal and mil i tary sense into an indefensible posi t ion. F l u v i a , however, had underestimated the resistance which the towns would offer and, having f a i l e d to capture them, the Count was reduced to the much infer ior plan of making Balaguer his base, but keeping his forces moving in the v i c i n i t y of the c i t y , so that he could harass Fernando's armies and keep himself supplied with food from the r i c h lands of the plain of U r g e l l.
In the circumstances this was the only feasible alternative which remained, but Jaume at once discarded any chance of success by yielding to the emotional entreaties of his wife and his mother who begged him to remain with them i n the c i t y , rather than r i s k his l i f e i n the uncertainties of g u e r r i l l a warfare with the king's forces.
F luvia once more revealed his complete lack of mi l i ta ry acumen by supporting Dona Margarita and the Count's wife. So i t was that Jaume d 'Urgel l found him-sel f shut up i n Balaguer, a town well provided with both natural and a r t i -f i c i a l defences but, through lack of foresight and the sudden change of plan , most inadequately supplied with everything which a prolonged siege required. Throughout the entire period of the Count's r e b e l l i o n , Fernando had acted with a degree of patience which was in direct contrast to Jaume's impetuous and agressive posturing.
In this way he succeeded i n attracting the support of his subjects, as the Count succeeded i n losing i t. On August 19, l U l 3 , the Duke of Gandia, V i l l e n a ' s uncle, brought up a troop of some men-at-arms at his own expense, and a contingent of Valencians. By a slow process of bribery and bombardment, Fernando gradually weakened the defences and the morale of the town while he made preparations for a f i n a l attack at the end of September.
Cotarelo speaks only b r i e f l y of this episode: "Salio e l Rey en Agosto. Since the publication of his work, however, a copy of Alvar Garcia de Santa Maria's chronicle of the reign of Don Fernando has come to l i g h t , although i t is s t i l l unpublished and has not attracted 36 the attention i t deserves. During the preparations for the general assault on the town, Fernando suddenly began to have second thoughts about the size of the scaling-towers escalas or bastidas. Doubtless he had unpleasant memories of the siege of Antequera when the bastida had been placed badly, f a i l e d to reach the , 37 top of the walls and was burned by the Moors with fuego de alquitran.
To avoid a repeti t ion of this catastrophe, Don Fernando resolved to have the height of the walls measured. The task was entrusted to Don Enrique de V i l l e n a who, i n an attempt to put his book-learning to some pract ica l use and to add some s c i e n t i f i c sophistication to the arts of war, decided 44 to make the calculations with the aid of his astrolabe, just as modern surveyor would use a quadrant or a theodolite.
No doubt considerations of personal security also influenced his decision to use the astrolabe, as i n this way he could remain at a r e l a t i v e l y safe distance from the truenos , lombardas and other pieces of primitive but potent a r t i l l e r y mounted on the ramparts of Balaguer. Unfortunately, as Alvar Garcia shows us, V i l l e n a had an imperfect grasp of the trigonometrical pr inciple behind the use of the astrolabe i n this fashion. E l rreyaviendo voluntad de l legar las vastidas a l C a s t i l l o del l a ciudad, mando a don Enrrique, e l que diximos en las ystorias antes desto que fue maestre de Calatraua, que fuese medir l a caua por que sy e l escala fuese corta que l a cregiesen antes que se llegasen a l a caba; e don Enrrique fue a medir l a caua del astrolabio.
Lleuo su astrolabio consygo e quiso medir las caua por su arte del astrolabio, e f a l l o que segun su medida que seria corta e l escala, e quando vino a l rrey dixo que sic gelo; e l rrey touo que obo hierro yerro en l a medida e que l a no sopo medir, e por ende e l mariscal Alvaro que l a mediese, e echaron encima de l a torre vn dardo atado con vna cuerda e sopieron e l altura de l a torre e medieron l a caua, e asy sacaron l a medida e fal laron que ' l escala que hera asaz luenga, e do e l rrey estaua enojado que avn tenia que ' l escala no l l e g a r i a , e le venieron desir que hera conplida, obo plazer e dixo a don Enrrique: Echad vuestro astrolabio en rremojo pues tan mal saco l a medida.
Nevertheless, he held out obstinately u n t i l the end of October, , by which time i t became obvious that he would be unable to defend the c i ty against the a l l -out attack which was so clearly imminent. Prepared to surrender, he was not unnaturally fearful for his l i f e , and sent his wife Dofia Isabel to beg the King for mercy. Don Enrique de V i l l e n a is t h i r d on the l i s t of Caballeros de Aragon who, by the end of the month, had congregated i n Zaragoza for the coronation ceremonies; in a less conspicuous position among the notables Caballeros que de C a s t i l l a vinieron we f ind the name Ul of Ifiigo Lopez de Mendoza, Senor de Hita y Buitrago.
This i s , I bel ieve, the earl iest date at which we can be sure that they met, and the future Marques de Santil lana's contacts with Enrique de V i l l e n a during their sojourn in the Aragonese Court must have been frequent and f r u i t f u l. The coronation of Fernando de Antequera took place on Sunday, Febru-ary 1 1 , l U l U amid elaborate ceremonial and sumptuous feasting. The f e s -t i v i t i e s are described i n great d e t a i l by Alvar Garcia whose chronicle served as a basis for the Coronaciones de los serenissimos reyes de Aragon by h6 Jeronimo de Blancas , printed i n Zaragoza i n l 6 4 l.
The passages from Alvar Garcia transcribed by Blancas were for a long time the only extant portions of the o r i g i n a l chronicle, which explains why Cotarelo only mentions Alvar Garcfa i n connection with the coronation of Fernando. The ceremonies have dwell on them at great length here except to point out that V i l l e n a took part i n them and, during the banquet, served as cuchil lo and sobrecopa at the King's table.
A word might be s a i d , however, about the pageants and the a l legor ica l spectacles which took place at the banquet i n the courtyard of the A l j a f e r i a. A detailed description of them, based on Alvar Garcia's text , may be consulted i n N. Shergold's History of the 43 Spanish Stage and I do not wish to repeat i t here. Suffice i t to say that before each course of the enormous meal, the guests were treated to a juego or entrernes mounted on a lavish and complicated scenario. The banquet began — writes Shergold — with an entry of the gryphon, breathing f i r e and preceding dishes of roast peacock, and while the guests were eating the l a t t e r , God the Father moved the heavens , and a great cloud descended to earth, bearing an angel with a drawn sword who addressed verses to the King.
These reminded the monarch of his royal duties , and also expressed the hope that he would heal the schism i n the Church, and restore the Pope to Rome. The cloud then took the angel back to Heaven, after which each of the seven deadly sins in turn spoke a verse about his particular v i c e. Shergold points out i n a note that these verses have been attributed by some to Enrique de V i l l e n a. This is not quite correct ; the verses which have been attributed to V i l l e n a were those sung i n praise of the King by four f igures , representing Just ice , Truth, Peace and Mercy, which stood on the four towers of a "castle" which the King passed as he l e f t the Cathedral after the coronation ceremony.
The attribution of these verses to Don Enrique seems, then, to have been the invention of Bias Nasarre.
However, this has not prevented i t from being repeated down to the present 46 day, in spite of the fact that Amador de los Rios, Cotarelo and others have pointed out the weakness of the supposition. Fernando reached Morella on July 1 , and the Pope arrived on July The following Sunday July 22 , the King prepared a banquet for the benefit of the Pope, the Cardinals and the entire Court. As the King and his principales were to serve at the Pope's table , they ate earl ier i n Fernando's U8 quarters.
It i s quite possible that at this meeting with Benedict XIII Fernando had occasion to discuss the marital status of Enrique de V i l l e n a , for i t was during the year iklh that the General Chapter of the Order of Calatrava met to declare n u l l and void V i l l e n a ' s election to the Maestragzo. His r i v a l , Don Luis Gonzalez de Guzman, was o f f i c i a l l y recognized as Maestre, and those members of the Order who continued to support V i l l e n a were pro nounced excommunicate.
As Rubio y Balaguer points out, " s i hemos de dar credito a las palabras del rey, l a h i s t o r i a de aquellas ruidosas divergencias conyugales se nos presentaria bajo luz mucho menos 52 desfavorable para e l famoso Don Enrique de lo que cuentan sus biografos. It is quite l i k e l y , therefore, that his swift return to the married state was an economic ne-cessi ty , and, u n t i l we can prove anything to the contrary, there seems to be l i t t l e reason for revising our or ig inal opinions of the s i tuation.
We do know, however, that the Pope anulled the divorce and ordered the estranged parties to l i v e together; "e quanto en uno duraron siempre vivieron mal 53 avenidos , adds the Croriica de Juan I I. Her plan was to poison Don Fernando and a l l the members of the Royal family, and to release her son, Jaume d ' U r g e l l , from the castle of Uruefia where he had been imprisoned for l i f e. She had attempted to suborn Pero C a r i l l o de Escalante, who had been placed i n charge of the Count. Escalante, however, was not to be corrupted, and the king was informed of the intrigue.
T y p i -c a l l y , before he decided to act , the King waited u n t i l he has acquired incontrovertible evidence against the Dowager Countess. This reached him while he was holding Court at Montblanc. He promptly dispatched Diego de Vadil lo and the Infante Don Juan to Lerida to arrest the Countess, at which time further evidence, in the form of incriminating l e t t e r s , was uncovered.
Dona Margarita and her accomplices were t r i e d and convicted. The Dowager Countess was condemned to imprisonment in a castle near Valencia, and the Count's sisters were obliged to re t i re into a convent, a l l their possessions having been confiscated by the Crown. Enrique de V i l l e n a seems to have played a part in the t r i a l , as we f ind him named as a witness to the sentence proclaimed against Dona Margarita in the presence of the king on December 2 9 , iklk, i n the Bishop's Palace at Lerida.
It i s , I think, reasonable to assume that V i l l e n a accompanied the Court from Morella to Montblanc and thence to Valencia. He may even have i accompanied Fernando to Perpignan for the conferences with the Pope and the Emperor Sigismund which were intended to terminate the Schism. If this i s the case, we may be f a i r l y certain that he was with the a i l i n g Fernando when he l e f t Perpignan for Castile i n a l i t t e r towards the end of March, lkl6, and may even have been with the king when he died at Igualada near Barcelona on A p r i l 2.
But we do not know. There can be l i t t l e doubt, 50 however, that the death of his friend and protector must have "been a great blow to V i l l e n a , and must have greatly influenced, i f not actually caused, his decision to withdraw almost completely from public l i f e. In A p r i l , lUl7 , he was i n Valencia , at which time he informs us that "avia de estar poco en Valencia e dende entendia tomar mi camino para c a s t i l l a e tenia ya liados mis l i b r o s.
Don Sancho de Rojas , Archbishop of Toledo, intervened on his behalf, and V i l l e n a was granted the 'sefiorio of the town of Iniesta situated between M o t i l l a and Requena, just south of the main road 5 8 from Madrid to Valencia. This town, and his wife's v i l l a de Torralba were to become his pr inc ipal places of residence for the rest of his l i f e , spent largely beyond the public gaze i n the pursuit of knowledge.
His reputation as a scholar and collector of rare books was by now firmly established. In the summer of lUl8, King Alfonso of Aragon sent the convert Jewish poet, Pedro de Santa Fe, from Zaragoza to the residence of Don Enrique de V i l l e n a probably Torralba with the following l e t t e r : -Lo rey d'Arago e de S i c i l i a : Car oncle, sabents certament que vos havets un l l i b r e appellat i s tor ies Trogi i Ponpei affectam aquell molt haver per 5 0 que'n pugam translatar a fer-ne traure un latre per a nostre servir vos pregam axi affectuosament com podem que v i s t a l a present nos trametats aquell per Pere de Santafe, portador de l a present, lo qual per aquesta raho va a vos, e translatat vos manarem tornar, e ago no di la te ts s i 'ns desitjats servir e complaure.
Dada en Caragoca sots nostre segell secret a. Rex Alfonsus. A nostre car oncle don Henrich. Dominus rex mandavit mihi Paulo N i c o l a i. On March 7, , he was present when the 61 Court met i n Madrid to acknowledge the King's coming-of-age, "y desde 62 entonces — says Cotarelo — desaparece enteramente de l a esfera p u b l i c a. However, since the publication of Cotarelo's study of V i l l e n a , two chronicles, considered lost since the sixteenth century, have come to l i g h t. As we shal l see, the information provided by these chronicles resolves most of the controversy which has surrounded the burning of V i l l e n a ' s books; they also t e s t i f y to V i l l e n a ' s part icipation i n a p o l i t i c a l act of considerable importance whose ultimate fa i lure would seem to shed a considerable amount of l ight upon V i l l e n a ' s exclusion from the affa i rs of the Cast i l ian Court.
With the majority of Juan II in l 4 l 9 , the Crown passed under the influence of powerful favourite , Alvaro de Luna, with his henchmen Juan Hurtado de Mendoza, the Mayordomo mayor, and the l a t t e r ' s nephew Mendoza, Senor de Almazan. In this group staged a successful palace coup i n Tordesi l las , Juan 52 Hurtado and his nephew being imprisoned.
The Infante Don Enrique and his followers made their way to the King's chamber where they found him asleep, with Alvaro de Luna at his feet. The king awoke muy turbado e enojado and the Infante announced: Senor, yo soy aqui venido por vuestro servic io , e por echar e arredrar de vuestra. This remark was doubtless intended to include Alvaro de Luna, but i t was found that the King's perfervid attachment to his favourite was so great. The favourite was therefore permitted to remain with the King so that he could be made to prevail upon him to do the Infante's bidding.
The King and Don Alvaro were removed to Talavera, where they remained v i r t u a l l y prisoners of the Infante de Aragon. However, Alvaro de Luna and those knights who remained f a i t h f u l to the King, succeeded in escaping with him. They made their way to V i l l a l b a with the Infante i n hot pursuit , but finding the place impossible to defend, they continued to the castle of Montalban which they took by surprise, thanks to the promptaction of Pedro C a r r i l l o , the author of the chronicle.
However, there was no food i n the castle and i t was necessary to send for provisions. The following day, Saturday, November 30, , the f i r s t batch of supplies was brought to the castle. Murgia, e Ynigo Lopez de Mendoga, senor de F i t a e de 53 Buitrago, f i j o del almirante don Diego Furtado, que a l a sazon era en l a casa del ynfante don Enrrique, con treynta o quarenta rrogines e tomaronla toda sic The same day saw the a r r i v a l of the Condestable Ruy Lopez Davalos, Pero Manrique and Garci Fernandez Manrique, each with some twenty or t h i r t y escuderos.
They pitched camp "fasta un t i r o de ballesta de Montal'aan. E fuese a donde abian asentado e l rea l e l condestable, e Pero Manrrique, e Gargi Fernandez Manrrique. E de t a l manera bedaron las biandas, que a l Rey daban por rracion vn quarto de carnero por l a mafiana, e dos pares de gallinas e medio cabrito por semejante en l a noche, e pan e bino lo que le podia abastar. E a todos los que dentro estaban no les consentian meter nenguna bianda. E segun l a poca bianda que tenian los que estaban dentro, de negesidad fueron muertos dos caballos, e fueron luego comidos.
The Infante informed Juan II that he was acting i n his majesty's best interests , that he understood that the King was being held i n Montalban against his w i l l , and would the King make his intentions known. The king assured the Infante that he had come to Montalban of his own v o l i t i o n , that there was nothing to be gained but his disfavour i f the siege continued, and requested the Infante kindly to withdraw. Advised thus of the King's wishes, and having learned that the Infante Don Juan was hastening to the King's support with a large army, the Infante Don Enrique judged i t prudent to retreat.
In , the Infante and his mayordomo, Garci Fernandez, were enticed from Ocana to Madrid where, on Sunday, June 14, they were arrested and imprisoned for 5h 63 their part i n the uprising. No doubt this unsuccessful conclusion to the coup of Tordesillas helps to explain why Villena spent at least the lat t e r half of i n , 69 Aragon. In he was in Torralba where he wrote the Tratado de l a Consolacion, and where, on September 6, he put the finishing touches to his Arte Cisoria.
His ' Expos ic ion del sa,lmo was completed on November 2 8 , , , TO , in Iniesta, and probably in the following year he wrote his Tratado de l a Fascinacion in Torralba. The legal heir to his considerable estates in Ribagorza was Enrique de Villena, but the inheritance was either given to or seized by the Infante Don Juan, now the King of Navarre. Villena's unsuccessful attempts to obtain r e s t i -tution are alluded to i n the letter of dedication to the King of Navarre which prefaces his translation of the Aeneid, begun on September 2 8 , As we have seen in the introductory chapter of this study, Villena also spent the period in translating the Divine Comedy, the Rhetorica ad Herennium, and i n writing otras obras menudas.
Somewhere between and he wrote, in Iniesta, his Epistbla a Suero de Quinones, and i n his Arte de Trovar. In December, , Villena was in Madrid, possibly in connection with the a r r i v a l on December 6 of the ambassadors from the King of France. Salieronlos a rrescebir e l condestable don Aluaro de Luna, e e l adelantado Pero Manrrique, e e l conde de Venabente don Rodrigo Alfonso Pimentel, e l conde de Castafieda don Gargi Fernandes Manrrique, e don Enrrique de Villena; perlados, el argobispo de Toledo don Jhoan de Luna, hermano del condestable, e don Pedro, nieto del rrey don Pedro, obispo de Osma.
The Croriica del Halcbnero t e l l s us that. Tanto, que no podia beuer con sus manos ni menearse de los p ies , que sus escuderos lo caualgauan e descaualgauan. Estando e l Rey en Madrid, miercoles quinze dias de dizienbre deste ano de m i l l e quatrocientos e treynta ' e quatro afios , murio a l i i don Enrrique de V i l l e n a , en e l monesterio de Sant Frangisco, donde estaua aposentado.
Este don Enrrique era f i j o de don Pedro, f i j o de don Alfonso, marques de V i l l e n a , e de dofia Juana, f i j a del rrey don Enrrique e l Vie jo. E fue casado con dofia Maria de Albornoz, f i j a del conde don T e l l o , senora de Alcoger e de Torralua e de Salmeron. E porque e l rrey don Enrrique, f i j o del rrey don Juan, le queriabien, f i z o l e conde de Cangas y Tineo.
E despues que murio e l maestre de Caltraua don Gongalo Nunez de Gusman, este don Enrrique touo manera de se quitar de su muger, e fuele dado e l maestrazgo de Calatraua. E dexo a Cangas e a Tineo. E despues que f a l l e s c i o e l rrey don Enrrique, con j u s t i g i a le fue tirado e l maestradgo de Calatraua, por ser casado; en t a l manera que no le quedo e l maestradgo nin e l condado.
E despues que se vido dipuesto de lo vno y de lo otro, touo manera con su muger que se boluise a e l. E suplico a l Rey que le f iz iese alguna merged e limosna en que biuiese , pues de derecho e l marquesado de V i l l e n a era suyo, por quanto auia seydo del marques don Alfonso su abuelo. E diole mas giento e cinquenta m i l l marauedis para su mantenimiento. Este don Enrrique fue muy grant sabio en todas giengias en espegial en l a Theologia e Nigromangia, e avn fue grant alquimista. Y con todo esto vino a tan grant menester, a l 56 tienpo que fa l lesgio non se f a l l o en su camara con que le pudiesen enterrar.
E e l maestro catolos, e f a l l o bien ginquenta volunes de l ibros de malas artes. E dio por consejo a l Rey que los mandase quemar. E l Rey dio cargo dello a l dicho maestro, e e l pusolo en esecugion, e todos ellos fueron quemados. It may be appropriate to make a few concluding remarks i n order to assess the extent to which the conclusions reached by V i l l e n a ' s previous biographers should be modified by the new information which we now possess about his l i f e.
In very general terms, V i l l e n a s t i l l emerges as a man of much learning, but with l i t t l e aptitude for the pract ica l necessities of l i f e. In matters of d e t a i l , however, we may do well to reconsider one or two points. It now seems f a i r l y clear that some of Perez de Guzman's statements must refer to the last ten years or so of V i l l e n a ' s l i f e , es-pecia l ly his remark, that V i l l e n a "fue avido en pequeria reputagion de los 75 reyes de su tienpo e en poca reverengia de los caval leros. V i l l e n a enjoyed the friendship and support of Martin I of Aragon whose patronage of the Gaya Ciencia i s well known, and who was not averse to dabbling i n alchemical 76 experiments.