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Although the Holocaust has historical event has been much researched, its media representations have attracted, relatively to the mass of documents, little attention. The Eichmann trial was a turning point. Less well known is the fact that it was also heavily covered by the international press. The work of a particular New Yorker correspondent, Hannah Arendt has been widely discussed, but not as a part of a global effort of reporting for the media.

These two genres have been studied, but much more cinema major reference here: Insdorf, There is much less on a genre which is crucial for television, documentary see, however, the recent work by Maeck, , with an interesting comparison between France and Germany. On the one hand, the diffusion of an image of the Holocaust may be considered as reinforcing the status of the state of Israel as a shelter for the Jews. And the State of Israel has been active in promoting images of the Holocaust.

On the other hand, the very diffusion of those images cannot be dissociated from hostile reactions: here the whole history of Holocaust denial comes into play. Finally, another process is at work, no so much the denial than the trivialization of the Holocaust through increased references into culture, especially as metaphors and comparisons for other kinds of conflict.

It is certainly an indication of a form of anti-Zionism, if not anti-Semitism. Then again, we reach another sensitive area of research: the overlapping between anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism, which is probably the area where researchers of representations of the conflict most often disagree. Claiming that anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism are closely related will be correlated with a relatively pro-Israeli position, while denying any connection might well be correlated with the opposite position.

Whether the Israeli occupation has some similarity to the apartheid has also been suggested by some media, and some authors famously Jimmy Carter , drawing much flak from supporters of Israel. This is a typical American reference, in a double sense. Not only does it connect with American culture, but it also provides a sense that there is no responsibility, or that both sides are involved in a violent conflict without clear starting point.

Thus, metaphors and comparisons be related to wider characteristics of journalistic discourse. How can we appreciate, or even measure this? There is little doubt that images of Israel, the conflict, Palestinians, not to mention Jews and Arabs, are watched by those publics with particular attention. They react in many ways, especially by activities of media monitoring which started before the Internet, but has received a decisive push through the global network. Media researchers, but sociologists of such diasporas cannot ignore the impact of the media, and, specifically, of the conflict, on such publics.

For example, being Jewish in a media world has become increasingly connected to the way Jews, in general, and Israelis, in particular, are represented in a media, especially as individualism among Jews, just like any other religious and cultural communities, has been growing.

For much of the liberal left in Europe, and the radical left only in the U. There is a number of questions to be posed, and it seems that Academics find it difficult to treat them without passing judgments on the media. Here we will discuss opinion polls only. On the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, a huge number has been published. Their systematic collation and study could be quite fruitful.

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Two problems should be mentioned, which communication scholars know well. Do we have series with the same question, formulated the same way, to allow comparisons between countries, and periods? A second problem is the choice of timing. An opinion poll in the midst of an Israeli attack in the occupied territories, or right after a Palestinian suicide bombing, is bound to have a very different signification than the answer to the same questions after, say, a peace accord. For the years in Denmark, the following Gallup table 1 , gives the answers to the question: who do you think is mostly right in the conflict between Israel and the Arabs?

In black: the Israelis. In white: the Arabs not the Palestinians. This table confirms the idea that was a watershed, and a high point of sympathy for Israel. The most striking result is the decline of the support for Israel. The number of people without opinion, or thinking both sides are right, has steadily grown.

However, a poll published in the Jyllands-Posten on May 11, suggests that the clear trend which started in might have been broken, or at least, blurred. This being Denmark, we must bear in mind the impact of the affair of the Muhammad cartoons. The sample was asked which side they sympathized with the most. We have similar data for France Bourdon, The contrast between this European example, and the US, is vivid.

Consider another Gallup table, below. Israel garners the sympathies of a majority of the American public for almost the whole of the period. However, my ambition has not been to discuss the fine grain of events, but to give some major head chapters, and, if I may insist, without actually taking sides. Beyond these controversies, I do hope that I have suggested a number of research questions for everybody interested in the part played by the media broadly speaking in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

To speak just like some journalists I have met while researching the coverage: I claim to be honest, and also to consider all data, whether it suits my needs or not; objectivity, or neutrality, are words which I consider very difficult to use in a conflict still unfolding in front of the eyes of so many diversely involved actors, media professionals, and media users.

Ashuri, T. Baram, D. Berkowitz, D. Rothenbuhler and M. Blanchard, P. Boltanski, L. Bourdon, J.

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New anti-Semitism and old delusions | Eurozine

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