These ideas are always to be reckoned with; they suggest questions which the statesman must answer whatever the change in conditions. The questions which our statesmen have to answer, suggested by the ideas of List, are such as these: Will the productive powers of the nation suffice to maintain and increase its present prosperity? Are the great national industries threatened with no signs of decay, and if there is decay where are substitutes to be looked for? Is there any change in the character of our trade which indicates a lower standard of national life? Is there any danger from foreign monopolies?
Will retaliation promote the industrial development of the nation? And, lastly, there is the practical question, how far a change in tariffs is likely to prevent or remedy any of the evils of the present system? The work of List will give no cut-and-dried answers to these questions, but it will suggest fruitful lines of inquiry in the search for the answers. Finally, it may be said, just as Adam Smith admitted exceptions to free trade, so List admitted exceptions to protection.
And in both authors the exceptions in theory are so important that the divergence on balance is not nearly so great as the reader might suppose. List's work would have gained in power and in popularity if, instead of attacking Adam Smith for opinions which were only held by his extreme successors, he had emphasised his points of agreement with the original author. Cunningham's Growth of English Industry and Commerce , vol. At a very early age Friedrich manifested a strong dislike for his father's business, and determined to strike out a career for himself.
Von Wangenheim, who was Minister at the time, seems to have recognised his talents from the first, and cordially to have welcomed the assistance of so able a coadjutor in promoting his own projects of reform. The pamphlet, in fact, was rather a manifesto than an essay, and may be regarded as List's first open declaration of that war against officialism and red tape in which the rest of his life was to be spent. Von Wangenheim showed his appreciation of the work by appointing the author Professor of Practical Administration Staatspraxis in the University, and encouraged him to persevere in his advocacy of reform in the State administration, of local representative government, and of freedom of the press.
Unhappily, so far from being of any advantage to List, the Minister's approval of his efforts was fatal to himself. This publication, however, was by no means List's only offence against the predominant official conservatism. At the close of the Napoleonic wars in , German diplomatists appear with one consent to have shut their eyes to the industrial interests of the people. The Continental blockade as long as it lasted operated as a strongly protective system in favour of German home trade, particularly in the case of the minor States. But on the removal of the blockade, when the German ports were opened to foreign manufactures at low duties, the trade of the various German States with each other still remained restricted by a chain of internal custom-houses along every frontier.
This state of things naturally excited just and general discontent, and an Association was formed for the abolition of these internal customs dues. Of this Association, List accepted the Presidency, a step which immediately brought down upon him the censure of the Government and deprivation of his office.
List, National System of Political Economy: The Online Library of Liberty
Nothing daunted, however, List still devoted all his energies to agitating for the abolition of these internal tariffs and for the commercial union of all the German States, from which he foresaw that the political union of Germany must ultimately follow. He not only advocated these objects in the press in the shape of letters, articles, and pamphlets, but travelled, at a time when travelling was both difficult and expensive, to Berlin, Munich, Vienna, and other German capitals, in order to make his views known to all the principal statesmen and leaders of commerce.
His pilgrimage, however, produced but little practical result at the time; he found that the heads of the commercial houses, as usual, were timid, while Ministers, as usual, were jealous of any 'unauthorised' agitation for political objects. But a powerful petition, which he was chiefly instrumental in preparing, in favour of Commercial Union, and of other needful reforms, was resented so strongly by the King and his Ministers, that List was not only expelled from the Assembly, but condemned to ten months' imprisonment in a fortress, with hard labour, and to pay the costs of the proceedings against him.
From Strasburg he went to Baden, but only again to suffer the same indignity. From Baden he proceeded to Paris, where he was kindly welcomed by General Lafayette, who invited him to visit the United States. His appeal was made to deaf ears. He now determined to leave Europe altogether for a time, and took refuge in the United States, where he was again warmly welcomed by General Lafayette, whose introductions secured him the friendship of President Jackson, Henry Clay, James Madison, Edward Livingstone, and other influential American statesmen.
He accordingly published twelve letters addressed to J. The Association, which subsequently republished the letters under the title of 'Outlines of a New System of Political Economy' Philadelphia, , passed a series of resolutions affirming that List, by his arguments, had laid the foundation of a new and sound system of political economy, thereby rendering a signal service to the United States, and requesting him to undertake two literary works, one a scientific exposition of his theory, and the other a more popular treatise for use in the public schools, the Association binding itself to subscribe for fifty copies of each, and to recommend the Legislatures of all the other States to do the same.
The success of the 'Adler,' coupled with the fortunate discovery by himself of a new and important coalfield in Pennsylvania, had now placed List in a position of comparative pecuniary ease; but in spite of the ingratitude he had experienced at home from the King and the governing classes, his thoughts still turned to his native land. During and he warmly advocated, in a number of essays and articles, the formation of a national system of railways throughout Germany, and his desire to revisit Europe was heightened by his anxiety to promote his new scheme.
President Jackson accordingly, to whom List's views were familiar, sent him on a mission to Paris with a view to facilitating increased commercial intercourse between France and the United States, and subsequently in appointed him Consul for the United States at Hamburg. But the old spirit, which six years before had met his proposals of political reform with imprisonment and exile, was not yet dead. In the eyes of the servile official German press, List was still the 'hero of revolution,' and the American Minister, Van Buren, had to inform him with deep regret that the Senate of Hamburg refused to ratify his appointment.
At this time Belgium had just gained her independence, and a more favourable prospect seemed opened for realising his plans both for a German national system of railways, and for increasing, through Belgium, the commercial intercourse between Germany and the United States. After a brief visit to America, he returned to Europe as United States' Consul at Leipsic, in which capacity he was able to urge his railway schemes on the Government and people of Saxony, with such success that before long he had the satisfaction of witnessing the formation of powerful companies for the formation of several German lines.
In the original survey of the railway from Halle to Cassel, the line had been projected so as to avoid the towns of Naumburg, Weimar, Gotha, Erfurt, and Eisenach. List exposed the impolicy of this arrangement both on strategical and commercial grounds, and by articles in the press and personal remonstrances at some of the smaller German courts succeeded in securing for these towns the benefit of railway communication.
For his exertions on this occasion he received the personal thanks of the Duke of Gotha, an honorary doctor's degree from the University of Jena, and highly gratifying assurances on all hands that he had 'saved' the three Duchies of Weimar, Gotha, and Meiningen from a 'fatal danger. In , on his way to Paris, he visited Belgium, where he was received with distinction, and renewed his acquaintance with Dr.
Kolb, who had shared his imprisonment in the Asberg. Through Kolb's influence, List was persuaded to accept a permanent literary engagement in connection with the well-known 'Allgemeine Zeitung,' which at once began to devote greater space to questions affecting the material interests of Germany, especially in relation to tariffs and commercial law, and the commercial relations of Germany with Austria.
List made ample use of this excellent opportunity of promulgating his opinions by a series of articles, some of which dealt more particularly with the commercial relations of Germany and Belgium with the United States. He also published his views in the columns of the Paris 'Constitutionnel' in The agitation for the repeal of the Corn Laws in England, which aroused considerable interest throughout Europe, also gave him an opportunity for expounding his views in favour of a national protective policy and recommending its adoption by Germany.
In pointing out the prejudicial influence which he believed that restrictions on the importation of corn must necessarily exercise on the fully established manufacturing power of England, List argued that a national manufacturing power can only be successfully established and maintained by a free importation of raw materials combined with just protection to native industry against the importation of foreign manufactures.
Among many other results expected from the repeal of the English Corn Laws, it was anticipated that that measure would lead to the abolition of the protective duties imposed by Germany on foreign manufactures. But, according to List, it is only when a nation has reached such a stage of development that she can bear the strain of competition with foreign manufactures without injury in any respect, that she can safely dispense with protection to her own manufactures, and enter on a policy of general free trade.
This, in fact, is the central idea of List's theory, which in its economical aspect he opposed to the cosmopolitical theory of Adam Smith and J. Say, and in its political and national aspect to their theory of universal freedom of trade. After leaving Leipsic, Augsburg became the permanent residence of List and his family. Here it was that he completed the first part of his 'National System of Political Economy,' published in To this treaty List was bitterly opposed, and his denunciation of it not only aroused the wrath of the official newspapers, which reviled him as the 'German O'Connell,' but brought him again into collision with 'the authorities.
Bowring to agitate in Germany, France, and Switzerland, in favour of English commercial interests, Lord Westmoreland's assumption that List was also a paid agent was not unnatural, but it was wholly without foundation. Whatever may have been the value of List's services on this occasion, they were at least gratuitous.
As might have been expected, the 'National System' was vigorously attacked immediately on its publication; but such was the demand for it that three editions were called for within the space of a few months, and translations of it were published in French, Hungarian, and some other foreign languages. The principal objection raised against it was that the system it propounded was not one for the benefit of the whole world, but simply for the benefit of Germany.
This List never sought to conceal. His avowed object was to free Germany from the overwhelming manufacturing supremacy of England, and on this subject some of his ablest opponents admitted that his was the best practical essay. But List never advocated a policy of prohibition. In he published the fourth part of his principal work, 'The Politics' of national economy. The contemptuous bitterness with which this work was criticised by the English press, led many of List's countrymen to conclude that he had 'hit the right nail on the head,' and thus increased the influence of his writings.
In he had added to his other numerous literary labours the editorship of the 'Zollvereinsblatt,' and continued to write in the 'Allgemeine Zeitung' and other news-papers, on economical and commercial questions, particularly on the development of the railway system in Germany. He visited Hungary, where he was honourably welcomed, Kossuth alluding to him in public as 'the man who had best instructed the nations as to their true national economical interests.
He enjoyed the further satisfaction, amidst the bitter opposition which he had to encounter, of witnessing the conclusion of the treaty between the Zollverein and Belgium on September 1, , for which he had worked long and earnestly, both in the press and by personal visits to Brussels, and by which, as he observed, 'the Zollverein was enabled to carry on its foreign trade with as much facility as if the ports of Holland and North Germany were included in it. What a pity it is that twenty-four years ago we had not learnt to know each other as well as we do now!
By this time his almost ceaseless labours had seriously undermined his health. He suffered from severe and frequent headache, and his bodily weakness increased, but he still continued his work. The repeal of the Corn Laws in England was imminent, and List dreaded lest the measure should enable England still further to encroach on German manufacturing industry. In spite of his failing health, he hastened to London in order that he might form a clear idea on the spot of the state of public opinion, and the probable effect of the impending change on the industrial interests of Germany.
He was received with courtesy by many who had strongly opposed his policy, among others by Richard Cobden, who jokingly asked him, 'Have you actually come over here in order to get yourself converted? On his return from England his unfavourable symptoms both mental and bodily became more alarming, in spite of the affectionate care of his wife and family, to whom he was tenderly attached.
A journey to the Tyrol was undertaken in the hope of restoring his shattered health, but it was already too late. After a few days' confinement to bed at Kufstein, on November 30, , he left his lodging alone. He did not return. A desponding letter addressed to his friend Dr. Kolb was found in his room; search was made, and his remains were found under some newly fallen snow under circumstances which left no doubt that in a moment of mental aberration he had died by his own hand.
A monument in the cemetery at Kufstein marks his last resting-place. The news of his death was received with sincere and general regret throughout Germany and wherever he was known abroad. A subscription was set on foot to present to his bereaved family a substantial testimonial in recognition of his unselfish and devoted efforts to promote the unity, the power, and the welfare of Germany. Many of his most earnest political opponents joined in this endeavour to do honour to his memory, and even urged that 'it was the bounden duty of the German people to erect a statue to the noble patriot,' an appeal which has since been responded to by the erection of such a statue in his native town of Reutlingen.
The commercial policy suggested by List has been in great measure adopted by his native land. The internal tariffs have long since disappeared; under the Zollverein German manufactures and commerce have enormously increased; vigorous steps are being taken to found German colonies; an Imperial German flag floats over German shipping; a German empire has united the German people.
And though to give effect to these great objects required the efforts of later and mightier men, a measure of the credit of them is surely due to the man who was long first and foremost in their advocacy, to which he sacrificed health, wealth, and ultimately his life. List's talents were those of an original thinker, an able and laborious writer, and an earnest and untiring political agitator.
For the latter career undoubtedly he was far more fitted by nature than for the service of the State. Stuttgart, MORE than thirty-three years have elapsed since I first entertained doubts as to the truth of the prevailing theory of political economy, and endeavoured to investigate what appeared to me its errors and their fundamental causes. My German contemporaries will remember to what a low ebb the well-being of Germany had sunk in I prepared myself by studying works on political economy. I made myself as fully acquainted as others with what had been thought and written on that subject.
But I was not satisfied with teaching young men that science in its present form; I desired also to teach them by what economical policy the welfare, the culture, and the power of Germany might be promoted. The popular theory inculcated the principle of freedom of trade. That principle appeared to me to be accordant with common sense, and also to be proved by experience, when I considered the results of the abolition of the internal provincial tariffs in France, and of the union of the three kingdoms under one Government in Great Britain.
But the wonderfully favourable effects of Napoleon's Continental system, and the destructive results of its abolition, were events too recent for me to overlook; they seemed to me to be directly contradictory of what I previously observed. And in endeavouring to ascertain on what that contradiction was founded, the idea struck me that the theory was quite true, but only so in case all nations would reciprocally follow the principles of free trade, just as those provinces had done.
This led me to consider the nature of nationality. I perceived that the popular theory took no account of nations , but simply of the entire human race on the one hand, or of single individuals on the other. I saw clearly that free competition between two nations which are highly civilised can only be mutually beneficial in case both of them are in a nearly equal position of industrial development, and that any nation which owing to misfortunes is behind others in industry, commerce, and navigation, while she nevertheless possesses the mental and material means for developing those acquisitions, must first of all strengthen her own individual powers, in order to fit herself to enter into free competition with more advanced nations.
In a word, I perceived the distinction between cosmopolitical and political economy. I felt that Germany must abolish her internal tariffs, and by the adoption of a common uniform commercial policy towards foreigners, strive to attain to the same degree of commercial and industrial development to which other nations have attained by means of their commercial policy. In all Germany teemed with schemes and projects for new political institutions. Rulers and subjects, nobles and plebeians, officers of State and men of learning, were all occupied with them.
Germany was like an estate which had been ravaged by war, whose former owners on resuming possession of it are about to arrange it afresh. Some wanted to restore everything exactly as it had been, down to every petty detail; others to have everything on a new plan and with entirely modern implements; while some, who paid regard both to common sense and to experience, desired to follow a middle course, which might accommodate the claims of the past with the necessities of the present.
Everywhere were contradiction and conflict of opinion, everywhere leagues and associations for the promotion of patriotic objects. The constitution of the Diet itself was new, framed in a hurry, and regarded by the most enlightened and thoughtful diplomatists as merely an embryo from which a more perfect state of things might be hoped for in the future. One of its articles the 19th expressly left thedoor open for the establishment of a national commercial system. This article appeared to me to provide a basis on which the future industrial and commercial prosperity of the German Fatherland might rest, and hence the idea arose of establishing a league of German merchants and manufacturers for the abolition of our internal tariffs and the adoption of a common commercial policy for the whole of Germany.
As adviser of this German commercial league, I had a difficult position. They were aided by the interests of England, and by those of the dealers in English goods in the ports and commercial cities of Germany. It is notorious what a powerful means of controlling public opinion abroad is possessed by the English Ministry in their 'secret service money'; and they are not accustomed to be niggardly where it can be useful to their commercial interests. An innumerable army of correspondents and leader-writers, from Hamburg and Bremen, from Leipzig and Frankfort, appeared in the field to condemn the unreasonable desires of the German manufacturers for a uniform protective duty, and to abuse their adviser in harsh and scornful terms; such as, that he was ignorant of the first principles of political economy as held by the most scientific authorities, or else had not brains enough to comprehend them.
The work of these advocates of the interests of England was rendered all the easier by the fact that the popular theory and the opinions of German learned men were on their side. The contest was clearly being fought with unequal weapons. On the other side poverty and want, internal divisions, differences of opinion, and absolute lack of a theoretical basis. In the course of the daily controversy which I had to conduct, I was led to perceive the distinction between the theory of values and the theory of the powers of production , and beneath the false line of argument which the popular school has raised out of the term capital.
I learned to know the difference between manufacturing power and agricultural power. I hence discovered the basis of the fallacy of the arguments of the school, that it urges reasons which are only justly applicable to free trade in agricultural products, as grounds on which to justify free trade in manufactured goods.
I began to learn to appreciate more thoroughly the principle of the division of labour, and to perceive how far it is applicable to the circumstances of entire nations. At a later period I travelled through Austria, North Germany, Hungary, Switzerland, France, and England, everywhere seeking instruction from observation of the actual condition of those countries as well as from written works. The best work on political economy which one can read in that modern land is actual life.
There one may see wildernesses grow into rich and mighty States; and progress which requires centuries in Europe, goes on there before one's eyes, viz. There one may see how rents increase by degrees from nothing to important revenues. There the simple peasant knows practically far better than the most acute savants of the old world how agriculture and rents can be improved; he endeavours to attract manufacturers and artificers to his vicinity.
Nowhere so well as there can one learn the importance of means of transport, and their effect on the mental and material life of the people. That book of actual life, I have earnestly and diligently studied, and compared with the results of my previous studies, experience, and reflections. And the result has been as I hope the propounding of a system which, however defective it may as yet appear, is not founded on bottomless cosmopolitanism, but on the nature of things, on the lessons of history, and on the requirements of the nations.
It offers the means of placing theory in accord with practice, and makes political economy comprehensible by every educated mind, by which previously, owing to its scholastic bombast, its contradictions, and its utterly false terminology, the sound sense of mankind had been bewildered. On the nature of nationality , as the intermediate interest between those of individualism and of entire humanity , my whole structure is based. I hesitated for some time whether I should not term mine the natural system of political economy, but was dissuaded from so doing by the remark of a friend, that under that title superficial readers might suppose my book to be a mere revival of the physiocratic system.
I have been accused by the popular school, of merely seeking to revive the so-called 'mercantile' system. But those who read my book will see that I have adopted in my theory merely the valuable parts of that much-decried system, whilst I have rejected what is false in it; that I have advocated those valuable parts on totally different grounds from those urged by the so-called mercantile school, namely, on the grounds of history and of nature; also that I have refuted for the first time from those sources the arguments urged a thousand times by the cosmopolitical school, and have exposed for the first time the false train of reasoning which it bases on a bottomless cosmopolitanism, on the use of terms of double meaning, and on illogical arguments.
If I appear to condemn in too strong language the opinions and the works of individual authors or of entire schools, I have not done so from any personal arrogance. But as I hold that the views which I have controverted are injurious to the public welfare, it is necessary to contradict them energetically. And authors of celebrity do more harm by their errors than those of less repute, therefore they must be refuted in more energetic terms.
To candid and thoughtful critics I would remark as respects tautology and recapitulation , that everyone who has studied political economy knows how in that science all individual items are interwoven in manifold ways, and that it is far better to repeat the same thing ten times over, than to leave one single point in obscurity. I have not followed the prevailing fashion of citing a multitude of quotations. But I may say that I have read a hundred-fold more writings than those from which I have quoted.
In writing this preface I am humbly conscious that much fault may be found with my work; nay, that I myself might even now do much of it better. But my sole encouragement lies in the thought, that nevertheless much will be found in my book that is new and true, and also somewhat that may serve especially to benefit my German Fatherland. AT the revival of civilisation in Europe, no country was in so favourable a position as Italy in respect to commerce and industry.
Barbarism had not been able entirely to eradicate the culture and civilisation of ancient Rome. A genial climate and a fertile soil, notwithstanding an unskilful system of cultivation, yielded abundant nourishment for a numerous population. The most necessary arts and industries remained as little destroyed as the municipal institutions of ancient Rome. Prosperous coast fisheries served everywhere as nurseries for seamen, and navigation along Italy's extensive sea-coasts abundantly compensated her lack of internal means of transport.
Her proximity to Greece, Asia Minor, and Egypt, and her maritime intercourse with them, secured for Italy special advantages in the trade with the East which had previously, though not extensively, been carried on through Russia with the countries of the North. By means of this commercial intercourse Italy necessarily acquired those branches of knowledge and those arts and manufactures which Greece had preserved from the civilisation of ancient times.
From the period of the emancipation of the Italian cities by Otho the Great, they gave evidence of what history has testified alike in earlier and later times, namely, that freedom and industry are inseparable companions, even although not unfrequently the one has come into existence before the other. If commerce and industry are flourishing anywhere, one may be certain that there freedom is nigh at hand: if anywhere Freedom has unfolded her banner, it is as certain that sooner or later Industry will there establish herself; for nothing is more natural than that when man has acquired material or mental wealth he should strive to obtain guarantees for the transmission of his acquisitions to his successors, or that when he has acquired freedom, he should devote all his energies to improve his physical and intellectual condition.
For the first time since the downfall of the free states of antiquity was the spectacle again presented to the world by the cities of Italy of free and rich communities. Cities and territories reciprocally rose to a state of prosperity and received a powerful impulse in that direction from the Crusades. The transport of the Crusaders and their baggage and material of war not only benefited Italy's navigation, it afforded also inducements and opportunities for the conclusion of advantageous commercial relations with the East for the introduction of new industries, inventions, and plants, and for acquaintance with new enjoyments.
On the other hand, the oppressions of feudal lordship were weakened and diminished in manifold ways, owing to the same cause, tending to the greater freedom of the cities and of the cultivation of the soil. Next after Venice and Genoa, Florence became especially conspicuous for her manufactures and her monetary exchange business. Already, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, her silk and woollen manufactures were very flourishing; the guilds of those trades took part in the government, and under their influence the Republic was constituted. The woollen manufacture alone employed manufactories, which produced annually 80, pieces of cloth, the raw material for which was imported from Spain.
In addition to these, raw cloth to the amount of , gold gulden was imported annually from Spain, France, Belgium, and Germany, which, after being finished at Florence, was exported to the Levant. Florence conducted the banking business of the whole of Italy, and contained eighty banking establishments.
We thus see Italy in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries possessing all the elements of national economical prosperity, and in respect of both commerce and industry far in advance of all other nations. Her agriculture and her manufactures served as patterns and as motives for emulation to other countries. Her roads and canals were the best in Europe. The civilised world is indebted to her for banking institutions, the mariner's compass, improved naval architecture, the system of exchanges, and a host of the most useful commercial customs and commercial laws, as well as for a great part of its municipal and governmental institutions.
Her commercial, marine, and naval power were by far the most important in the southern seas. She was in possession of the trade of the world; for, with the exception of the unimportant portion of it carried on over the northern seas, that trade was confined to the Mediterranean and the Black Sea.
She supplied all nations with manufactures, with articles of luxury, and with tropical products, and was supplied by them with raw materials. One thing alone was wanting to Italy to enable her to become what England has become in our days, and because that one thing was wanting to her, every other element of prosperity passed away from her; she lacked national union and the power which springs from it.
The cities and ruling powers of Italy did not act as members of one body, but made war on and ravaged one another like independent powers and states. While these wars raged externally, each commonwealth was successively overthrown by the internal conflicts between democracy, aristocracy, and autocracy. These conflicts, so destructive to national prosperity, were stimulated and increased by foreign powers and their invasions, and by the power of the priesthood at home and its pernicious influence, whereby the separate Italian communities were arrayed against one another in two hostile factions.
How Italy thus destroyed herself may be best learned from the history of her maritime states. We first see Amalfi great and powerful from the eighth to the eleventh century. She possessed the most practical code of maritime laws, and those laws were in force in every port of the Mediterranean. In the twelfth century her naval power was destroyed by Pisa, Pisa in her turn fell under the attacks of Genoa, and Genoa herself, after a conflict of a hundred years, was compelled to succumb to Venice.
The fall of Venice herself appears to have indirectly resulted from this narrow-minded policy. To a league of Italian naval powers it could not have been a difficult task, not merely to maintain and uphold the preponderance of Italyin Greece, Asia Minor, the Archipelago, and Egypt, but continually to extend and strengthen it; or to curb the progress of the Turks on land and repress their piracies at sea, while contesting with the Portuguese the passage round the Cape of Good Hope.
As matters actually stood, however, Venice was not merely left to her own resources, she found herself crippled by the external attacks of her sister states and of the neighbouring European powers. It could not have proved a difficult task to a well-organised league of Italian military powers to defend the independence of Italy against the aggression of the great monarchies.
The attempt to form such a league was actually made in , but then not until the moment of actual danger and only for temporary defence. The luke-warmness and treachery of the leaders and members of this league were the cause of the subsequent subjugation of Milan and the fall of the Tuscan Republic. From that period must be dated the downfall of the industry and commerce of Italy.
In her earlier as well as in her later history Venice aimed at being a nation for herself alone. So long as she had to deal only with petty Italian powers or with decrepit Greece, she had no difficulty in maintaining a supremacy in manufactures and commerce through the countries bordering on the Mediterranean and Black Seas. As soon, however, as united and vigorous nations appeared on the political stage, it became manifest at once that Venice was merely a city and her aristocracy only a municipal one. It is true that she had conquered several islands and even extensive provinces, but she ruled over them only as conquered territory, and hence according to the testimony of all historians each conquest increased her weakness instead of her power.
At the same period the spirit within the Republic by which she had grown great gradually died away. But in proportion as the aristocracy became a despotic oligarchy, destructive of the freedom and energies of the people, the roots of power and prosperity died away, notwithstanding that their branches and leading stem appeared still to flourish for some time longer. Far from striving to extend their commerce and to make new discoveries, the Venetians never even conceived the idea of deriving benefit from the discoveries made by other nations. That they could be excluded from the trade with the East Indies by the discovery of the new commercial route thither, never occurred to them until they actually experienced it.
What all the rest of the world perceived they would not believe; and when they began to find out the injurious results of the altered state of things, they strove to maintain the old commercial route instead of seeking to participate in the benefits of the new one; they endeavoured to maintain by petty intrigues what could only be won by making wise use of the altered circumstances by the spirit of enterprise and by hardihood. And when they at length had lost what they had possessed, and the wealth of the East and West Indies was poured into Cadiz and Lisbon instead of into their own ports, like simpletons or spendthrifts they turned their attention to alchemy.
In the times when the Republic grew and flourished, to be inscribed in the Golden Book was regarded as a reward for distinguished exertions in commerce, in industry, or in the civil or military service of the State. On that condition this honour was open to foreigners; for example, to the most distinguished of the silk manufacturers who had immigrated from Florence.
At a later period, when men recognised the necessity of giving new life to the impoverished and enfeebled aristocracy, the book was reopened. But the chief title to inscription in it was no longer, as in former times, to have rendered services to the State, but the possession of wealth and noble birth. At length the honour of being inscribed in the Golden Book was so little esteemed, that it remained open for a century with scarcely any additional names. If we inquire of History what were the causes of the downfall of this Republic and of its commerce, she replies that they principally consisted in the folly, neglect, and cowardice of a worn-out aristocracy, and in the apathy of a people who had sunk into slavery.
The commerce and manufactures of Venice must have declined, even if the new route round the Cape of Good Hope had never been discovered. The cause of it, as of the fall of all the other Italian republics, is to be found in the absence of national unity, in the domination of foreign powers, in priestly rule at home, and in the rise of other greater, more powerful, and more united nationalities in Europe.
If we carefully consider the commercial policy of Venice, we see at a glance that that of modern commercial and manufacturing nations is but a copy of that of Venice, only on an enlarged i. By navigation laws and customs duties in each case native vessels and native manufactures were protected against those of foreigners, and the maxim thus early held good that it was sound policy to import raw materials from other states and to export to them manufactured goods. It has been recently asserted in defence of the principle of absolute and unconditional free trade, that her protective policy was the cause of the downfall of Venice.
That assertion comprises a little truth with a great deal of error. If we investigate the history of Venice with an unprejudiced eye, we find that in her case, as in that of the great kingdoms at a later period, freedom of international trade as well as restrictions on it have been beneficial or prejudicial to the power and prosperity of the State at different epochs.
Unrestricted freedom of trade was beneficial to the Republic in the first years of her existence; for how otherwise could she have raised herself from a mere fishing village to a commercial power? But a protective policy was also beneficial to her when she had arrived at a certain stage of power and wealth, for by means of it she attained to manufacturing and commercial supremacy. Protection first became injurious to her when her manufacturing and commercial power had reached that supremacy, because by it all competition with other nations became absolutely excluded, and thus indolence was encouraged.
Therefore, not the introduction of a protective policy, but perseverance in maintaining it after the reasons for its introduction had passed away, was really injurious to Venice. Hence the argument to which we have adverted has this great fault, that it takes no account of the rise of great nations under hereditary monarchy. Venice, although mistress of some provinces and islands, yet being all the time merely one Italian city, stood in competition, at the period of her rise to a manufacturing and commercial power, merely with other Italian cities; and her prohibitory commercial policy could benefit her so long only as whole nations with united power did not enter into competition with her.
But as soon as that took place, she could only have maintained her supremacy by placing herself at the head of a united Italy and by embracing in her commercial system the whole Italian nation. No commercial policy was ever clever enough to maintain continuously the commercial supremacy of a single city over united nations. In the argument before adverted to, as in every other when international freedom of trade is the subject of discussion, we meet with a misconception which has been the parent of much error, occasioned by the misuse of the term 'freedom.
Hence the friends and advocates of freedom feel themselves especially bound to defend freedom in all its forms. And thus the term 'free trade' has become popular without drawing the necessary distinction between freedom of internal trade within the State and freedom of trade between separate nations, notwithstanding that these two in their nature and operation are as distinct as the heaven is from the earth. For while restrictions on the internal trade of a state are compatible in only very few cases with the liberty of individual citizens, in the case of international trade the highest degree of individual liberty may consist with a high degree of protective policy.
Indeed, it is even possible that the greatest freedom of international trade may result in national servitude, as we hope hereafter to show from the case of Poland. In respect to this Montesquieu says truly, 'Commerce is never subjected to greater restrictions than in free nations, and never subjected to less ones than in those under despotic government. De l'Ecluse, Florence et ses Vicissitudes , pp. Pechio, Histoire de l'Economie Politique en Italie.
Amalfi contained at the period of her prosperity 50, inhabitants. Flavio Guio, the inventor of the mariner's compass, was a citizen of Amalfi. Hence Charles V. Before his time the contrary idea prevailed; the Medici continued to be engaged in commerce long after they had become sovereign rulers. Esprit des Lois , p. A mere charlatan, Marco Brasadino, who professed to have the art of making gold, was welcomed by the Venetian aristocracy as a saviour.
Daru, Histoire de Venise , vol. Venice, as Holland and England subsequently did, made use of every opportunity of attracting to herself manufacturing industry and capital from foreign states. Also a considerable number of silk manufacturers emigrated to Venice from Lucca, where already in the thirteenth century the manufacture of velvets and brocades was very flourishing, in consequence of the oppression of the Lucchese tyrant Castruccio Castracani.
Sandu, Histoire de Venise , vol. Esprit des Lois , livre xx. THE spirit of industry, commerce, and liberty having attained full influence in Italy, crossed the Alps, permeated Germany, and erected for itself a new throne on the shores of the northern seas, the Emperor Henry I. Like the kings of France and England at a later period, he and his successors regarded the cities as the strongest counterpoise to the aristocracy, as the richest source of revenue to the State, as a new basis for national defence.
By means of their commercial relations with the cities of Italy, their competition with Italian industry, and their free institutions, these cities soon attained to a high degree of prosperity and civilisation. Life in common fellow citizenship created a spirit of progress in the arts and in manufacture, as well as zeal to achieve distinction by wealth and by enterprise; while, on the other hand, the acquisition of material wealth stimulated exertions to acquire culture and improvement in their political condition.
Strong through the power of youthful freedom and of flourishing industry, but exposed to the attacks of robbers by land and sea, the maritime towns of Northern Germany soon felt the necessity of a closer mutual union for protection and defence. With this object Hamburg and Lubeck formed a league in , which before the close of that century embraced all the cities of any importance on the coasts of the Baltic and North Seas, or on the banks of the Oder, the Elbe, the Weser, and the Rhine eighty-five in all.
This confederation adopted the title of the 'Hansa,' which in the Low German dialect signifies a league. Promptly comprehending what advantages the industry of individuals might derive from a union of their forces, the Hansa lost no time in developing and establishing a commercial policy which resulted in a degree of commercial prosperity previously unexampled. Perceiving that whatever power desires to create and maintain an extensive maritime commerce, must possess the means of defending it, they created a powerful navy; being further convinced that the naval power of any country is strong or weak in proportion to the extent of its mercantile marine and its sea fisheries, they enacted a law that Hanseatic goods should be conveyed only on board Hanseatic vessels, and established extensive sea fisheries.
The English navigation laws were copied from those of the Hanseatic League, just as the latter were an imitation of those of Venice. England in that respect only followed the example of those who were her forerunners in acquiring supremacy at sea. Yet the proposal to enact a navigation Act in the time of the Long Parliament was then treated as a novel one. Adam Smith appears in his comment on this Act 2 not to have known, or to have refrained from stating, that already for centuries before that time and on various occasions the attempt had been made to introduce similar restrictions.
A proposal to that effect made by Parliament in was rejected by Henry VI. The nation was evidently not then ripe for such legislation. Navigation laws, like other measures for protecting native industry, are so rooted in the very nature of those nations who feel themselves fitted for future industrial and commercial greatness, that the United States of North America before they had fully won their independence had already at the instance of James Madison introduced restrictions on foreign shipping, and undoubtedly with not less great results as will be seen in a future chapter than England had derived from them a hundred and fifty years before.
The kings of England were conspicuous above all other sovereigns in this respect. The English at that time were so inexperienced in commerce that from the time of Edward II. And as they conducted it exclusively in their own ships, the shipping interest of England was in a very pitiable condition. Some German merchants, viz. England formerly stood in similar relations with the Hanseatic League to those in which Poland afterwards stood with the Dutch, and Germany with the English; she supplied them with wool, tin, hides, butter, and other mineral and agricultural products, and received manufactured articles in exchange.
The Hansards conveyed the raw products which they obtained from England and the northern states to their establishment at Bruges founded in , and exchanged them there for Belgian cloths and other manufactures, and for Oriental products and manufactures which came from Italy, which latter they carried back to all the countries bordering on the northern seas.
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A third factory of theirs, at Novgorod in Russia established in , supplied them with furs, flax, hemp, and other raw products in exchange for manufactures. A fourth factory, at Bergen in Norway also founded in , was occupied principally with fisheries and trade in train oil and fish products. But experience also shows that those very nations, the farther advances that they make for themselves in culture and in industry, regard such a system of trade with a less favourable eye, and that at last they come to regard it as injurious and as a hindrance to their further progress.
Such was the case with the trade between England and the Hansards. A century had scarcely elapsed from the foundation of the factory of the 'Steelyard' when Edward III. He therefore endeavoured to attract Flemish weavers into England by granting them all kinds of privileges; and as soon as a considerable number of them had got to work, he issued a prohibition against wearing any articles made of foreign cloth. If the earlier rulers of Flanders and Brabant did everything in their power to raise their native industry to a flourishing condition, the later ones did everything that was calculated to make the commercial and manufacturing classes discontented and to incite them to emigration.
In the year the English woollen industry had already made such progress that Hume could write respecting that period, 'Great jealousy prevailed at this time against foreign merchants, and a number of restrictions were imposed on their trade, as, for instance, that they were required to lay out in the purchase of goods produced in England the whole value which they realised from articles which they imported into it. Under Edward IV. Notwithstanding that the king was afterwards compelled by the Hansards to remove this prohibition, and to reinstate them in their ancient privileges, the English woollen manufacture appears to have been greatly promoted by it, as is noted by Hume in treating of the reign of Henry VII.
Instead of vying with one another in the number and valour of their retainers, the nobility were animated by another kind of rivalry more in accordance with the spirit of civilisation, inasmuch as they now sought to excel one another in the beauty of their houses, the elegance of their equipages, and the costliness of their furniture. As the people could no longer loiter about in pernicious idleness, in the service of their chieftains and patrons, they became compelled, by learning some kind of handiwork, to make themselves useful to the community. Laws were again enacted to prevent the export of the precious metals, both coined and uncoined; but as these were well known to be inoperative, the obligation was again imposed on foreign merchants to lay out the whole proceeds of goods imported by them, in articles of English manufacture.
The king, however, totally misjudging the causes and the operation of this phenomenon, gave ear to the unjust complaints of the English against the foreign manufacturers, whom the former perceived to have always excelled themselves in skill, industry, and frugality. An order of the Privy Council decreed the expulsion of 15, Belgian artificers, 'because they had made all provisions dearer, and had exposed the nation to the risk of a famine. Representatives, and the power to try all impeachments is vested solely in the.
No person shall be impeached but by the concurrence of two-thirds of. Judgments in such cases shall not extend. Republic; but the party may be tried at law for the same offense. Legislature shall prescribe the procedure for impeachment proceedings which. Contempt of the Legislature shall consist of actions which obstruct the. Legislature in the discharge of their legislative duties and may be punished by. No sanction shall extend beyond the session of the Legislature. Disputes between. The Senate shall be composed of Senators elected for a term of nine years by the.
Each county shall elect two Senators and each Senator shall have one. Senators shall be eligible for re-election. Immediately after the Senate shall have assembled following the elections prior. The Senator. Senator with the lower votes cast shall be Senator of the second category;. The seats of Senators of the first category shall be vacated at the. In the interest of legislative continuity, the. Senators of the second category shall serve a first term of six years only,. Thereafter, all Senators shall be elected to serve a. The Senate shall elect once every six years a President Pro Tempore who shall.
The President Pro Tempore. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members elected for a term of. Members of the House of Representatives shall be eligible for. The House of Representatives shall elect once every six years a Speaker who. The Speaker, the. Deputy Speaker and other officers so elected may be removed from office for. The Executive Power of the Republic shall be vested in the President who shall. The President shall be elected by universal adult suffrage of. No person shall serve as President for more.
There shall be a Vice-President who shall assist the President in the discharge. The Vice-President shall be elected on the same political. The Vice-President shall. He shall attend meetings of the. President shall delegate or deem appropriate; provided that no powers. No person shall be eligible to hold the office of President or Vice-President,. President And the Vice-President shall not come from the same County. The oath or affirmation shall be. Justice or, in his absence, the most senior Associate Justice. The President shall nominate and, with the consent of the Senate appoint and.
The President shall appoint and commission Notaries Public and Justices of the. Peace who shall hold office for a term of two years but may be removed by the. President for cause. They shall be eligible for reappointment. The Legislature shall enact laws to provide for their qualifications.
The President shall have the power to conduct the foreign affairs of the. Republic and in that connection he is empowered to conclude treaties,. The President shall, on the fourth working Monday in January of each year,. The President may remit any public forfeitures and penalties, suspend any fines. The President and Vice-President shall receive salaries which shall be.
Such salaries shall. The President shall be immune from any suits, actions or proceedings, judicial. Constitution or any other laws of the Republic. The President shall not,. The President and the Vice-President may be removed from office by impeachment. In such a. Legislature, shall be sworn in and hold office as Vice-President until the next.
Whenever the Vice-President elect dies, resigns or. Whenever the office of the President and of the Vice-President shall become. Representatives shall be sworn in as Acting President until the holding of. Should the Speaker be legally. In any further. Elections Commission shall within ninety days conduct elections for a new. President and a new Vice President. Judgments of the Supreme Court shall be.
Nothing in this Article shall prohibit administrative. The Supreme Court shall be the final arbiter of constitutional issues and shall. In all such cases, the Supreme. Court shall exercise original jurisdiction. The Legislature shall make no law. Justices, a majority of whom shall be deemed competent to transact the business. If a quorum is not obtained to enable the Court to hear any case,.
Supreme Court. The judges of subordinate courts of record shall, with the consent of the. Senate, be appointed and commissioned by the President, provided that any person. The oath or affirmation. They may. Such salaries. Allowances and benefits paid to Justices of the Supreme. Court and judges of subordinate courts may by law be increased but may not be. No judicial official shall be summoned, arrested, detained, prosecuted or tried.
In all matters of contempt of court, whether in the Supreme Court or in other. The Supreme Court shall from time to time make rules of court for the purpose of. It shall prescribe such. Such rules and code, however, shall not contravene any statutory provisions or. Republic, insurrection and mutiny; and. The right to the enjoyment of any property inherited or. No punishment shall. Commission, and every Liberian citizen not less than 18 years of age, shall have.
The Legislature shall enact laws indicating. As used in this Chapter, unless the context otherwise requires, an "association". No association by whatever name called, shall function as a political party, nor. Registration requirements shall include filing with the. Elections Commission a copy of the constitution of the association and. Registration by. A denial of registration or. All amendments to the Constitution or rules of a political.
Liberia or to endanger the existence of the Republic shall be denied. Elections Commission shall reapportion the constituencies in accordance with the. Any citizen, political party, organization or association, being resident in. Liberia, of Liberian nationality or origin, and not otherwise disqualified under. Legislature shall by law prescribe the guidelines under which such contributions. Any funds or other assets. Information on all funds received from abroad shall be filed promptly. The Commission shall prescribe.
If no candidate obtains an absolute majority in the first. Any party or candidate. Elections Commission. Such complaint must be filed not later than seven days. The Elections Commission shall, within thirty days of receipt of the complaint,. Any political party or independent candidate affected by such decision shall not.
The Elections Commission shall within seven days of receipt of the notice of. Supreme Court nullifies or sustains the nullification of the election of any. These shall include the enumeration of sources of funds and other. Where the filing of such statements is made. Any political. The Legislature shall by law provide penalties for any violations of the. All military power or authority shall at all times, however, be. Representatives and the President Pro Tempore of the Senate, proclaim and.
Acting pursuant thereto, the President may suspend or affect certain. Constitution, dissolve the Legislature, or suspend or dismiss the Judiciary; and. Where the Legislature is not in session, it must be convened immediately in. It shall be. The President shall, immediately upon the declaration of a state of emergency,. The Legislature shall within seventy-two hours, by.
If the two-thirds vote is not. Where the Legislature. The following Autonomous Public Commissions are hereby established:. The Legislature shall enact laws for the governance of these Commissions and. This Constitution may be amended whenever a proposal by either 1 two-thirds of. Proposed constitutional amendments shall be accompanied by statements setting.
The limitation of the Presidential term of office to two terms, each of six. January The person so elected President of Liberia shall be inaugurated on. The President, Vice-President and members of the. Legislature who are elected for the first term prior to the coming into force of. This Constitution shall come into force simultaneously with that. Redemption Council shall by decree convene a session of the newly elected.
Legislature before the 12th day of April , to enable the Senate and House of. Representatives to organize and elect their officers. Such elections shall be. Legislature under the suspended Constitution until changed by the new. Constitution until appointments otherwise provided for under this Constitution. Notwithstanding this abrogation, however, any enactment or. Constitution, whether derived from the abrogated Constitution or from any other.
Constitution, continue in force as if enacted, issued or made under the. Constitution shall continue to be valid and binding on the Republic unless. Notwithstanding anything to the contrary in this Constitution:. Justice and Associate Justices of the Supreme Court and judges of subordinate. Court and judges of subordinate courts holding office prior thereto, unless. Supreme Court and judges of subordinate courts, respectively. Government, that matter may be carried on and completed by the person or. Any act completed by. People's Redemption Council or by any persons, whether military or civilian, in.
People's Redemption Council;. Redemption Council under a decree made by that Council in pursuance of but not. This Schedule shall form and be an integral part of this Constitution and. All public officials and employees, whether elected or appointed, holding. Edward Binyah Kesselly Lofa County.
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Charles H. Williams Grand Bassa County. Deputy Chairman. Archibald F. Bernard Montserrado County. Secretary General. Richard K. Flumo Bong County. Assistant Secretary General. Montserrado County. Stephen H. Kolison, Sr. James Nagbe Doe, Member. James N. Nagbe, Member. Rocheforte L. Weeks, Member. Pearl Brown-Bull, Member. Jonathan E. Gibson, Member. Zoe Ethel Norman, Member. Walter Yedebabuo Wisner, Jr. Marshall Territory. Francis Okai, Jr. Bomi Territory. Samuel Dwelu Hill, Member. Ballah M. Davis, Sr. Gibi Territory. David S.
Grand Bassa County. Wilmot McCritty, I, Member. Abba G. Karnga, Member. Thomas L. Griggs, Member. Joseph L. Barchue, Sr. Rivercess Territory. Gbegbe Roberto Dole, Member. Sinoe County. Nelson Wm. Broderick, Member.
Charles N. Wiah, Member. Lawrence S. Bestman, Member. Jenkinson T. Nyenpan, Sr. Sasstown Territory. Dennis J. Weagbe, Member. Maryland County. Nathaniel Bleh Seton, Sr. James Klaba Giko, Member. Barney Taylor, Member. Christian A. Baker, Member. Kru Coast Territory. Carles Barzee Coffey, Member. Grand Cape Mount County. Kini Freeman, Member. Christopher K. Kandakai, I, Member. Ernest K. Metzger, Member. Victor Lamina Yates, Member. Grand Gedeh County. Harry T.
Faber Nayou, Member. Philip Koryeyon Deah, Member. Robert Bloh Toe, Sr. Emmanuel B. Neewray, Member. Doquinee Jarpee Andrews, Jr. Nimba County. Patrick K. Biddle, Member. John Wiemi Bartuah, Member. James W. Zotaa, Jr. Gharmie Sahn, Member. Jenkins G. Wongbe, Member. Peter A. Gbelia, Sr. Stephen B. Daniels, Sr. Samuel B.
Wogbeh, Member. Bong County. John Flumo Bakalu, Sr. James Y. Gbarbea, Member. Walter T. Gwenigale, Member. Salome Giddings-Hall, Member. Manyu M. Kamara, Member. Lofa County. Edward S. Mends-Cole, Member. Edward Koenig, Member. Frederick K. Gobewole, Member. James M. Hargrave, Member. Keikura Bayoh Kpoto, Member.
Treason a. All free governments are instituted by their authority and for their benefit and they have the right to alter and reform the same when their safety and happiness so require. In order to ensure democratic government which responds to the wishes of the governed, the people shall have the right at such period, and in such manner as provided for under this Constitution, to cause their public servants to leave office and to fill vacancies by regular elections and appointments.
Any laws, treaties, statutes, decrees, customs and regulations found to be inconsistent with it shall, to the extent of the inconsistency, be void and of no legal effect. The Supreme Court, pursuant to its power of judicial review, is empowered to declare any inconsistent laws unconstitutional. The form of government is Republican with three separate coordinate branches: the Legislative, the Executive and the Judiciary.
Consistent with the principles of separation of powers and checks and balances, no person holding office in one of these branches shall hold office in or exercise any of the powers assigned to either of the other two branches except as otherwise provided in this Constitution; and no person holding office in one of the said branches shall serve on any autonomous public agency. Emphasis shall be placed on the mass education of the Liberian people and the elimination of illiteracy.
Liberian citizens and non-Liberian residents may be extradited to a foreign country for prosecution of a criminal offense in accordance with the provisions of an extradition treaty or other reciprocal international agreements in force. Non-Liberian residents may be expelled from the Republic of Liberia for cause. All persons who, in the practice of their religion, conduct themselves peaceably, not obstructing others and conforming to the standards set out herein, shall be entitled to the protection of the law. No religions denomination or sect shall have any exclusive privilege or preference over any other, but all shall be treated alike; and no religious tests shall be required for any civil or military office or for the exercise of any civil right.
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Consistent with the principle of separation of religion and state, the Republic shall establish no state religion. This right shall not be curtailed, restricted or enjoined by government save during an emergency declared in accordance with this Constitution. It includes freedom of speech and of the press, academic freedom to receive and impart knowledge and information and the right of libraries to make such knowledge available.
It includes non-interference with the use of the mail, telephone and telegraph. It likewise includes the right to remain silent. Denial of such access may be challenged in a court of competent jurisdiction. Justice shall be done without sale, denial or delay; and in all cases not arising in courts not of record, under courts-martial and upon impeachment, the parties shall have the right to trial by jury.
The Legislature shall prescribe rules and procedures for the easy, expeditious and inexpensive filing and hearing of an appeal. Such person shall be entitled to counsel at every stage of the investigation and shall have the right not to be interrogated except in the presence of counsel.
Any admission or other statements made by the accused in the absence of such counsel shall be deemed inadmissible as evidence in a court of law. The Legislature shall make it a criminal offense and provide for appropriate penalties against any police or security officer, prosecutor, administrator or any other public official acting in contravention of this provision; and any person so damaged by the conduct of any such public official shall have a civil remedy therefor, exclusive of any criminal penalties imposed.
Should the court determine the existence of a prima facie case against the accused, it shall issue a formal writ of arrest setting out the charge or charges and shall provide for a speedy trial. In all criminal cases, the accused shall have the right to be represented by counsel of his choice, to confront witnesses against him and to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor. He shall not be compelled to furnish evidence against himself and he shall be presumed innocent until the contrary is proved beyond a reasonable doubt. No person shall be subject to double jeopardy.
There shall be no interference with the lawyer-client relationship. In all trials, hearings, interrogatories and other proceedings where a person is accused of a criminal offense, the accused shall have the right to counsel of his choice; and where the accused is unable to secure such representation, the Republic shall make available legal aid services to ensure the protection of his rights. There shall be absolute immunity from any government sanctions or interference in the performance of legal services as a counsellor or advocate; lawyers' offices and homes shall not be searched or papers examined or taken save pursuant to a search warrant and court order; and no lawyer shall be prevented from or punished for providing legal services, regardless of the charges against or the guilt of his client.
No lawyer shall be barred from practice for political reasons. All mineral resources in and under the seas and other waterways shall belong to the Republic and be used by and for the entire Republic. This land shall not be transferred or otherwise conveyed to any other party or used for any other purpose, except upon the expressed permission of the Government of Liberia. All property so conveyed may escheat to the Republic in the event of a cessation of diplomatic relations. No punishment shall preclude the inheritance, enjoyment or forfeiture by others entitled thereto of any property which the convicted person at the time of conviction or subsequent thereto may have possessed.
All such suits brought against the Government shall originate in a Claims Court; appeals from judgments of the Claims Court shall lie directly to the Supreme Court. No citizen of the Republic shall be deprived of citizenship or nationality except as provided by law; and no person shall be denied the right to change citizenship or nationality. The enacting style shall be: "It is enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Republic of Liberia in Legislature assembled.
When the extension or call is at the request of the Legislature, t he proclamation shall be issued not later than forty-eight hours after receipt of the certificate by the President. Whenever the House of Representatives and the Senate shall meet in joint session, the presiding officer of the House of Representatives shall preside. No other financial charge shall be established, fixed, laid or levied on any individual, community or locality under any pretext whatsoever except by the expressed consent of the individual, community or locality.
If he grants approval, it shall become law. If the president does not approve such bill or resolution, he shall return it, with his objections, to the House in which it originated. In so doing, the President may disapprove of the entire bill or resolution or any item or items thereof. This veto may be overridden by the repassage of such bill, resolution or item thereof by a vote of two-thirds of the members in each House, in which case it shall become law.
If the President does not return the bill or resolution within twenty days after the same shall have been laid before him it shall become law in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Legislature by adjournment prevents its return. No bill or resolution shall embrace more than one subject which shall be expressed in its title. The Elections Commission shall not later than 90 days thereafter cause a by-election to be held; provided that where such vacancy occurs within 90 days prior to the holding of general elections, the filling of the vacancy shall await the holding of such general elections.
Each House shall establish its own committees and sub-committees; provided, however, that the committees on revenues and appropriations shall consist of one member from each County. All rules adopted by the Legislature shall conform to the requirements of due process of law laid down in this Constitution.
Members shall be privileged from arrest while attending, going to or returning from sessions of the Legislature, except for treason, felony or breach of the peace. All official acts done or performed and all statements made in the Chambers of the Legislature shall be privileged, and no Legislator shall be held accountable or punished therefor. When the President, Vice President or an Associate Justice is to be tried, the Chief Justice shall preside; when the Chief Justice or a judge of a subordinate court of record is to be tried, the President of the Senate shall preside.
No person shall be impeached but by the concurrence of two-thirds of the total membership of the Senate. Judgments in such cases shall not extend beyond removal from office and disqualification to hold public office in the Republic; but the party may be tried at law for the same offense. The Legislature shall prescribe the procedure for impeachment proceedings which shall be in conformity with the requirements of due process of law. No sanction shall extend beyond the session of the Legislature wherein it is imposed, and any sanction imposed shall conform to the provisions on Fundamental Rights laid down in this Constitution.
Disputes between legislators and non-members which are properly cognizable in the courts shall not be entertained or heard in the Legislature. Each county shall elect two Senators and each Senator shall have one vote in the Senate. The Senator with the higher votes cast shall be the Senator of the first category and the Senator with the lower votes cast shall be Senator of the second category; provided that no two Senators from a county shall be placed in the same category.
The seats of Senators of the first category shall be vacated at the expiration of the ninth year. In the interest of legislative continuity, the Senators of the second category shall serve a first term of six years only, after the first elections. Thereafter, all Senators shall be elected to serve a term of nine years.
The President Pro Tempore and other officers so elected may be removed from office for cause by resolution of a two-thirds majority of the members of the Senate. Members of the House of Representatives shall be eligible for re-election. The Speaker, the Deputy Speaker and other officers so elected may be removed from office for cause by resolution of a two-thirds majority of the members of the House.
The President shall be elected by universal adult suffrage of registered voters in the Republic and shall hold office for a term of six years commencing at noon on the third working Monday in January of the year immediately following the elections. No person shall serve as President for more than two terms.
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The Vice-President shall be elected on the same political ticket and shall serve the same term as the President. The Vice-President shall be President of the Senate and preside over its deliberations without the right to vote, except in the case of a tie vote. He shall attend meetings of the cabinet and other governmental meetings and shall perform such functions as the President shall delegate or deem appropriate; provided that no powers specifically vested in the President by the provisions of this Constitution shall be delegated to the Vice-President.
The oath or affirmation shall be administered in joint convention of both Houses of the Legislature by the Chief Justice or, in his absence, the most senior Associate Justice. They may be re-elected and may be removed only by the President for proved misconduct. The Legislature shall enact laws to provide for their qualifications as may be required. In presenting the economic condition of the Republic the report shall cover expenditures as well as income.
Such salaries shall be subject to taxes as defined by law and shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which the President and the Vice-President shall have been elected. The President shall not, however, be immune from prosecution upon removal from office for the commission of any criminal act done while President.
In such a case, this shall not constitute a term. Whenever the Vice-President elect dies, resigns or is incapacitated before being inaugurated, the President elected on the same ticket with him, shall, after being inaugurated into office, nominate without delay a candidate who, with the concurrence of both Houses of the Legislature, shall be sworn in and hold office as Vice-President until the next general elections are held.