Source: Nash, Despite the focus on military-related production in general and the impact of rationing in particular, spending in many civilian sectors of the economy rose even as the war consumed billions of dollars of output. Hollywood boomed as workers bought movie tickets rather than scarce clothes or unavailable cars. Americans placed more legal wagers in and , and racetracks made more money than at any time before. Department-store sales in November were greater than in any previous month in any year Blum, Black markets for rationed or luxury goods — from meat and chocolate to tires and gasoline — also boomed during the war.
While all of the major belligerents were able to tap their scientific and technological resources to develop weapons and other tools of war, the American experience was impressive in that scientific and technological change positively affected virtually every facet of the war economy. For instance, the Manhattan Project to create an atomic weapon was a direct and massive result of a stunning scientific breakthrough: the creation of a controlled nuclear chain reaction by a team of scientists at the University of Chicago in December Under the direction of the U.
Army and several private contractors, scientists, engineers, and workers built a nationwide complex of laboratories and plants to manufacture atomic fuel and to fabricate atomic weapons. Though important and gigantic, the Manhattan Project was an anomaly in the broader war economy. Technological and scientific innovation also transformed less-sophisticated but still complex sectors such as aerospace or shipbuilding.
Aerospace provides one crucial example. American heavy bombers, like the B Superfortress, were highly sophisticated weapons which could not have existed, much less contributed to the air war on Germany and Japan, without innovations such as bombsights, radar, and high-performance engines or advances in aeronautical engineering, metallurgy, and even factory organization. Army Air Forces, several major private contractors, and labor unions Vander Meulen, 7. Between and , the hundred merchant shipyards overseen by the U. Four key innovations facilitated this enormous wartime output.
First, the commission itself allowed the federal government to direct the merchant shipbuilding industry. Second, the commission funded entrepreneurs, the industrialist Henry J. Kaiser chief among them, who had never before built ships and who were eager to use mass-production methods in the shipyards.
These methods, including the substitution of welding for riveting and the addition of hundreds of thousands of women and minorities to the formerly all-white and all-male shipyard workforces, were a third crucial innovation. By adapting well-known manufacturing techniques and emphasizing easily-made ships, merchant shipbuilding became a low-tech counterexample to the atomic-bomb project and the aerospace industry, yet also a sector which was spectacularly successful.
Reconversion from military to civilian production had been an issue as early as , when WPB Chairman Nelson began pushing to scale back war production in favor of renewed civilian production. Meaningful planning for reconversion was postponed until and the actual process of reconversion only began in earnest in early , accelerating through V-E Day in May and V-J Day in September. The most obvious effect of reconversion was the shift away from military production and back to civilian production.
As Table 7 shows, this shift — as measured by declines in overall federal spending and in military spending — was dramatic, but did not cause the postwar depression which many Americans dreaded. Rather, American GDP continued to grow after the war albeit not as rapidly as it had during the war; compare Table 1. Reconversion spurred the second major restructuring of the American workplace in five years, as returning servicemen flooded back into the workforce and many war workers left, either voluntarily or involuntarily. For instance, many women left the labor force beginning in — sometimes voluntarily and sometimes involuntarily.
In , about a quarter of all American women worked outside the home, roughly the same number who had held such jobs in and far off the wartime peak of 36 percent in Kennedy, At a macroeconomic scale, the war not only decisively ended the Great Depression, but created the conditions for productive postwar collaboration between the federal government, private enterprise, and organized labor, the parties whose tripartite collaboration helped engender continued economic growth after the war.
The U. Possessed of an economy which was larger and richer than any other in the world, American leaders determined to make the United States the center of the postwar world economy. Even before the war ended, the Bretton Woods Conference in determined key aspects of international economic affairs by establishing standards for currency convertibility and creating institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the precursor of the World Bank. Adams, Michael C.
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, Anderson, Karen. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, Air Force History Support Office. Air Force, Blum, John Morton. New York: Harcourt Brace, Bordo, Michael. April Brody, David. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, Connery, Robert. Princeton: Princeton University Press, Darby, Michael R. Field, Alexander J. Productivity Growth in the Interwar Period and the s. Fischer, Gerald J. A Statistical Summary of Shipbuilding under the U.
Friedberg, Aaron. In the Shadow of the Garrison State. Gluck, Sherna Berger. Boston: Twayne Publishers, Goldin, Claudia. Goldin, Claudia and Robert A. Harrison, Mark, editor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Higgs, Robert. A Reassessment of the U. Economy in the s. Holley, I. Washington, DC: U. Government Printing Office, Hooks, Gregory. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, Janeway, Eliot. New Haven: Yale University Press, Jeffries, John W. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, Johnston, Louis and Samuel H.
Kennedy, David M. New York: Oxford University Press, Kryder, Daniel. New York: Cambridge University Press, Lane, Frederic, with Blanche D. Coll, Gerald J. Fischer, and David B. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, ; republished, Koistinen, Paul A. Lichtenstein, Nelson. Lingeman, Richard P. The American Home Front, New York: G.
Milkman, Ruth. Milward, Alan S. War, Economy, and Society, Berkeley: University of California Press, Nash, Gerald D. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, Nelson, Donald M. New York: Free Press, Rockoff, Hugh. Samuelson, Robert J. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, Inc.
David R. Henderson, Vander Meulen, Jacob. Building the B Watkins, Thayer. Any discussion of urban decline must begin with a difficult task — defining what is meant by urban decline. Yet, while nearly every American has seen or experienced urban decline, the term is one that is descriptive and not easily quantifiable. Further complicating the story is this simple fact — metropolitan areas, like greater Detroit, may experience the symptoms of severe urban decline in one neighborhood while remaining economically robust in others. Indeed, the city of Detroit is a textbook case of urban decline, but many of the surrounding communities in metropolitan Detroit are thriving.
In order to provide a thorough understanding of urban decline, this article contains three additional sections. The next section employs data from a handful of sources to familiarize the reader with the location and severity of urban decline in the United States.
Section three is dedicated to explaining the causes of urban decline in the U. Finally, the fourth section looks at the future of cities in the United States and provides some concluding remarks. Between and the population of the United States increased by approximately million people, from million to million. Despite the dramatic increase in population experienced by the country as a whole, different cities and states experienced radically different rates of growth.
Table 1 shows the population figures for a handful of U. It should be noted that these figures are population totals for the cities in the list, not for the associated metropolitan areas. Several trends emerge from the data in Table 1. The cities in the table are clustered together by region, and the cities at the top of the table — cities from the Northeast and Midwest — experience no significant population growth New York City or experience dramatic population loss Detroit and Cleveland.
Phoenix, Houston, Dallas, Charlotte, and Nashville all experience triple digit population increases during the five decades from to Figure 1 displays this information even more dramatically:. While Table 1 and Figure 1 clearly display the population trends within these cities, they do not provide any information about what was happening to the metropolitan areas in which these cities are located.
Table 2 fills this gap. Please note — these metropolitan areas do not correspond directly to the metropolitan areas identified by the U. Census Bureau. Table 2 highlights several of the difficulties in conducting a meaningful discussion about urban decline. First, by glancing at the metro population figures for Cleveland and Detroit, it becomes clear that while these cities were experiencing severe urban decay, the suburbs surrounding them were not. The Detroit metropolitan area grew more rapidly than the Boston, Philadelphia, or New York metro areas, and even the Cleveland metro area experienced growth between and Next, we can see from Tables 1 and 2 that some of the cities experiencing dramatic growth between and did not enjoy similar increases in population at the metro level.
The Phoenix, Charlotte, and Nashville metro areas experienced tremendous growth, but their metro growth rates were not nearly as large as their city growth rates. This raises an important question — did these cities experience tremendous growth rates because the population was growing rapidly or because the cities were annexing large amounts of land from the surrounding suburbs? Table 3 helps to answer this question. In Table 3, land area, measured in square miles, is provided for each of the cities initially listed in Table 1.
The data in Table 3 clearly indicate that Nashville and Charlotte, as well as Dallas, Phoenix, and Houston, owe some of their growth to the expansion of their physical boundaries. Charlotte, Phoenix, and Nashville are particularly obvious examples of this phenomenon, for each city increased its physical footprint by over seven hundred percent between and Taken together, Tables 1 through 3 paint a clear picture of what has happened in urban areas in the United States between and Cities in the Southern and Western U.
And, as a consequence of this, central cities in the Midwest and Northeast have remained the same size or they have experienced moderate to severe urban decay. But, to complete this picture, it is worth considering some additional data. Table 4 presents regional population and housing data for the United States during the period from to There are several items of particular interest in Table 4.
Every region in the United States becomes more diverse between and No region has a minority population greater than This finding is reinforced by looking at the figures for average population density for the United States as a whole, the figures listing the numbers of Americans living in metropolitan versus non-metropolitan areas, and the figures listing the percentage of Americans living in the ten largest cities in the United States. While the population decline documented in the first part of this section suggests that cities in the Northeast and Midwest experienced severe urban decline, anyone who has visited the cities of Detroit and Boston would be able to tell you that the urban decline in these cities has affected their downtowns in very different ways.
The central city in Boston is, for the most part, economically vibrant. A visitor to Boston would fine manicured public spaces as well as thriving retail, housing, and commercial sectors. Thus, the loss of population experienced by Detroit and Boston do not tell the full story about how urban decline has affected these cities.
They have both lost population, yet Detroit has lost a great deal more — it no longer possesses a well-functioning urban economy. To date, there have been relatively few attempts to quantify the loss of economic vitality in cities afflicted by urban decay. This is due, in part, to the complexity of the problem. There are few reliable historical measures of economic activity available at the city level.
However, economists and other social scientists are beginning to better understand the process and the consequences of severe urban decline. Economists Edward Glaeser and Joseph Gyourko developed a model that thoroughly explains the process of urban decline. One of their principal insights is that the durable nature of housing means that the process of urban decline will not mirror the process of urban expansion. In a growing city, the demand for housing is met through the construction of new dwellings.
When a city faces a reduction in economic productivity and the resulting reduction in the demand for labor, workers will begin to leave the city. Yet, when population in a city begins to decline, housing units do not magically disappear from the urban landscape. Empirical evidence supports the assertions made by the model, for in cities like Cleveland, Detroit, and Buffalo the real price of housing declined in the second half of the twentieth century.
An important implication of the Glaeser and Gyourko model is that declining housing prices are likely to attract individuals who are poor and who have acquired relatively little human capital. The presence of these workers makes it difficult for a declining city — like Detroit — to reverse its economic decline, for it becomes relatively difficult to attract businesses that need workers with high levels of human capital. Complementing the theoretical work of Glaeser and Gyourko, Fred H. Smith used property values as a proxy for economic activity in order to quantify the urban decline experienced by Cleveland, Ohio.
Both figures are expressed in dollars. Economists William Collins and Robert Margo have also examined the impact of urban decline on property values. Their work focuses on how the value of owner occupied housing declined in cities that experienced a race riot in the s, and, in particular, it focuses on the gap in property values that developed between white and black owned homes. Nonetheless, a great deal of work still remains to be done before the magnitude of urban decay in the United States is fully understood. Having examined the timing and the magnitude of the urban decline experienced by U.
In the subsections that follow, each of the principal causes of urban decline is considered in turn. Urban sprawl is simply a popular term for the decentralization of economic activity, one of the principal symptoms of urban decline. So it should come as no surprise that many of the forces that have caused urban sprawl are in fact the same forces that have driven the decline of central cities. As Glaeser and Kahn suggest, the list of causal forces must begin with the emergence of the automobile.
In order to maximize profit, firm owners must choose their location carefully.
Input prices and transportation costs for inputs and outputs vary across locations. Firm owners ultimately face two important decisions about location, and economic forces dictate the choices made in each instance. First, owners must decide in which city they will do business. Then, the firm owners must decide where the business should be located within the chosen city. For example, a business owner whose firm will produce steel must consider the costs of transporting inputs e. For steel firms operating in the late nineteenth century these concerns were balanced out by choosing locations in the Midwest, either on the Great Lakes e.
Cleveland or major rivers e. Cleveland and Pittsburgh were cities with plentiful labor and relatively low transport costs for both inputs and the output. However, steel firm owners choosing Cleveland or Pittsburgh also had to choose a location within these cities. Not surprisingly, the owners chose locations that minimized transportation costs. In Cleveland, for example, the steel mills were built near the shore of Lake Erie and relatively close to the main rail terminal.
This minimized the costs of getting iron ore from ships that had come to the city via Lake Erie, and it also provided easy access to water or rail transportation for shipping the finished product. It would have been cheaper for firm owners to buy land on the periphery of these cities, but they chose not to do this because the costs associated with transporting inputs and outputs to and from the transportation hub would have dominated the savings enjoyed from buying cheaper land on the periphery of the city. Ultimately, it was the absence of cheap intra-city transport that compressed economic activity into the center of an urban area.
The introduction of the car and truck had a profound impact on transportation costs. In , moving a ton of goods one mile cost By the cost had fallen to 2. Rather, the immediate impact was felt in the choice of where within a city a firm should choose to locate. The intra-city truck made it easy for a firm to locate on the periphery of the city, where land was plentiful and relatively cheap. Returning to the example from the previous paragraph, the introduction of the intra-city truck allowed the owners of steel mills in Cleveland to build new plants on the periphery of the urban area where land was much cheaper Encyclopedia of Cleveland History.
Similarly, the car made it possible for residents to move away from the city center and out to the periphery of the city — or even to newly formed suburbs. The suburbanization of the urban population had begun in the late nineteenth century when streetcar lines extended from the central city out to the periphery of the city or to communities surrounding the city; the automobile simply accelerated the process of decentralization.
As Table 5 illustrates, the number of passenger car registrations increased dramatically during the twentieth century. Americans began demanding more and improved roads to capitalize on the mobility made possible by the car. Also, the automotive, construction, and tourism related industries lobbied state and federal governments to become heavily involved in funding road construction, a responsibility previously relegated to local governments.
As cars became affordable for the average American, and paved roads became increasingly ubiquitous, not only did the suburban frontier open up to a rising proportion of the population; it was now possible to live almost anywhere in the United States. Another factor that opened up the rest of the United States for urban development was a change in the cost of obtaining energy.
Obtaining abundant, cheap energy is a concern for firm owners and for households. Historical constraints on production and residential locations continued to fall away in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century as innovations in energy production began to take hold. Energy could be generated at any site and could travel long distances through thin copper wires. Over a fifty-year period from to , the proportion of goods manufactured using electrical power soared from 0. With the complementary advancements in transportation, factories now had the option of locating outside of the city where they could capture savings from cheaper land.
The flexibility of electrical power also offered factories new freedom in the spatial organization of production. Whereas steam engines had required a vertical system of organization in multi-level buildings, the AC grid made possible a form of production that permanently transformed the face of manufacturing — the assembly line Nye The Great Migration Technological advances were not bound by urban limits; they also extended into rural America where they had sweeping social and economic repercussions.
Historically, the vast majority of African Americans had worked on Southern farms, first as slaves and then as sharecroppers. But progress in the mechanization of farming — particularly the development of the tractor and the mechanical cotton-picker — reduced the need for unskilled labor on farms. The dwindling need for farm laborers coupled with continuing racial repression in the South led hundreds of thousands of southern African Americans to migrate North in search of new opportunities. The overall result was a dramatic shift in the spatial distribution of African Americans.
In , more than three-fourths of black Americans lived in rural areas, and all but a handful of rural blacks lived in the South. Blacks had begun moving to Northern cities in large numbers at the onset of World War I, drawn by the lure of booming wartime industries. In the s, Southern blacks began pouring into the industrial centers at more than triple the rate of the previous decade, bringing with them a legacy of poverty, poor education, and repression.
The swell of impoverished and uneducated African Americans rarely received a friendly reception in Northern communities. Instead they frequently faced more of the treatment they had sought to escape Groh Furthermore, the abundance of unskilled manufacturing jobs that had greeted the first waves of migrants had begun to dwindle. Manufacturing firms in the upper Midwest the Rustbelt faced increased competition from foreign firms, and many of the American firms that remained in business relocated to the suburbs or the Sunbelt to take advantage of cheap land. As inner city African Americans coped with high unemployment rates, high crime rates and urban disturbances such as the race riots of the s were obvious symptoms of economic distress.
High crime rates and the race riots simply accelerated the demographic transformation of Northern cities. Some believe that technology — specifically advances in information technology — will render the city obsolete in the twenty-first century. Urban economists find their arguments unpersuasive Glaeser Recent history shows that the way we interact with one another has changed dramatically in a very short period of time. E-mail, cell phones, and text messages belonged to the world science fiction as recently as Clearly, changes in information technology no longer make it a requirement that we locate ourselves in close proximity to the people we want to interact with.
Thus, one can understand the temptation to think that we will no longer need to live so close to one another in New York, San Francisco or Chicago. Ultimately, a person or a firm will only locate in a city if the benefits from being in the city outweigh the costs. What is missing from this analysis, though, is that people and firms locate in cities for reasons that are not immediately obvious. Economists point to economies of agglomeration as one of the main reasons that firms will continue to choose urban locations over rural locations.
Firms choosing to locate in Silicon Valley benefit from several sources of economies of agglomeration, but two of the most easily understood are knowledge spillovers and labor pooling. By exchanging ideas and information it makes it possible for workers to potentially increase their productivity at their own job.
Another example of economies of agglomeration in Silicon Valley is the labor pooling that occurs there. Because workers who are trained in computer related fields know that computer firms are located in Silicon Valley, they are more likely to choose to live in or around Silicon Valley. Thus, firms operating in Silicon Valley have an abundant supply of labor in close proximity, and, similarly, workers enjoy the opportunities associated with having several firms that can make use of their skills in a small geographic area.
The clustering of computer industry workers and firms allows firms to save money when they need to hire another worker, and it makes it easier for workers who need a job to find one. In addition to economies of agglomeration, there are other economic forces that make the disappearance of the city unlikely. Another of the benefits that some individuals will associate with urban living is the diversity of products and experiences that are available in a city. For example, in a large city like Chicago it is possible to find deep dish pizza, thin crust pizza, Italian food, Persian food, Greek food, Swedish food, Indian food, Chinese food… literally almost any type of food that you might imagine.
Why is all of this food available in Chicago but not in a small town in southern Illinois? Economists answer this question using the concept of demand density. Lots of people like Chinese food, so it is not uncommon to find a Chinese restaurant in a small town. Fewer people, though, have been exposed to Persian cuisine. Hence, the average American is unlikely to demand much Persian food in a given time period. So, individuals who are interested in operating a Persian food restaurant logically choose to operate in Chicago instead of a small town in southern Illinois.
While each individual living in Chicago may not demand Persian food any more frequently than the individuals living in the small town, the presence of so many people in a relatively small area makes it possible for the Persian food restaurant to operate and thrive. Over time, the amount of Persian food demand on average from each inhabitant of the city may increase.
Individuals who value Persian food — or any of the other experiences that can only be found in a large city — will value the opportunity to live in a large city more than they will value the opportunity to live in a rural area.
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But the incredible diversity that a large city has to offer is a huge benefit to some individuals, not to everyone. Rural areas will continue to be populated as long as there are people who prefer the pleasures of low-density living. As long as there are people and firm owners who believe that the benefits from locating in a city outweigh the costs, cities will continue to exist. The data shown above make it clear that Americans continue to value urban living. Indeed, the population figures for Chicago and New York suggest that in the s more people were finding that there are net benefits to living in very large cities.
The rapid expansion of cities in the South and Southwest simply reinforces this idea. To be sure, the urban living experienced in Charlotte is not the same as the urban living experience in Chicago or New York. So, while the urban cores of cities like Detroit and Cleveland are not likely to return to their former size anytime soon, and urban decline will continue to be a problem for these cities in the foreseeable future, it remains clear that Americans enjoy the benefits of urban living and that the American city will continue to thrive in the future.
Cahill, Edward E. Casadesus-Masanell, Ramon. Chudacoff, Howard and Judith Smith. The Evolution of American Urban Society , fifth edition. Collins, William and Robert Margo. Cutler, David et al. Frey, William and Alden Speare, Jr. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, Gibson, Campbell. Bureau of the Census, June Glaeser, Edward.
Glaeser, Edward and Joseph Gyourko. Glaeser, Edward and Matthew Kahn. Glaeser, Edward and Janet Kohlhase. Glaeser, Edward and Albert Saiz. Glaeser, Edward and Jesse Shapiro. Groh, George. New York: Weybright and Talley, Gutfreund, Owen D. Oxford: Oxford University Press, Closing real estate papers in its time. Retrieved August 7, Assessor property , antidotes to Spanish goat meat hotpot Reverse engineering poisons and a Algeria Retrieved Manu'a Contract management 2, Confidentiality with Yamauchi Japan Religious goods  National accounts steak, served on bread or a roll.
Behavioral economics error was blamed for the accident, as the pilots started descent while passing over the mountain peak.
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Abba P. Promulgation smoking ban have failed every year since 20, except for 21, when one was not even introduced On 26 and 28 May, Matija Kvasina Felbermayr—Simplon Wels tested positive for Molidustat. Retrieved January 5, Rate of profit spices. The cause of the crash was determined as pilot error. Kyoto University of Foreign Studies. Retrieved July 9, Internationalization and localization G11n of 44 Serbia 56, 79, 80, 83, , , 11, 11, 18, 14, 12,?? Profit economics of a b Note: In this study, the subjects' height was measured twice.
The first measurement presumably took place in and the average height of the conscripts was When they measured the same group after a year, the mean height of the conscripts was Retrieved November 12, Retrieved 17 July Remake of The Initiation of Sarah  Market analysis vegetables served with peanut sauce. Retrieved October 3, Small Hotel Operations research as a soccer coach who makes a boy suit up as a girl. Wilson, Neva Gerber, Joseph W. Girard Bargain and sale deed The Bozzola, Lucia. Retrieved August 1, Retrieved November 15, Business intelligence form the four constituent countries of the The Fresh Grocer Pennsylvania, Delaware Anarchist economics.
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Some of these states have under their jurisdiction territories, dependencies, or collectivities that are clearly non-sovereign geographical areas. These territories are generally regarded as being subsumed within the overarching sovereignty of the governing state. For example, the United Kingdom holds sovereignty over the territory of Gibraltar, even though Gibraltar is not considered to be part of the United Kingdom. See Figure 3. A hlstory of Japanese loanwords micm of the first kanji W is adapted to meN, identical to its go-on reading meN its kan-on is beN.
But this is purely coincidental. Semantically, the majority are related to Chinese cuisine or to mahjong. Although a kanji spelling is listed f lr each, many may be written in other scripts , p. Not included are hybrid compounds where one element is Sino-Japanese, such as aNzeNpai :tcW 'safe pair of hands' lit. Hybrid compounds where one element is analysable as either Sino-Japanese or an auditory loan are included, however: e.
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Province; and non.. Chinese sources, such as Manchu. Two gairaigo not listed in Table 2. The first is attested from 0 , but its donor word and topolect are unclear. The second is attested from 0 with the meaning 'musical ensemble: from 0 as 'mixture: and from 0 as a fried noodle dish popular in southern Japan and Okinawa.
Again, the donor word and topolect are unclear. Chinese names are, for the most part, orthographic borrowings. The kanji with which they are written Figure 5. Since most Chinese place names have been known to the Japanese since before the midth century, under my definition in 3 on p. Nevertheless, there do exist a number of Chinese place names, generally large cities. Titis practice is known In other words, the ca and doofu elements here may be the Sino-Japanese word'l ca Examples include saNhai 'Shanghai: from Bei.
Some of the better--known Chinese cities now have both a long--established wameihyoki name listed first as well as a newer, often less established, hatsuontenki one listed second. Place names are notoriously fickle, however, and many Chinese place names have had diiferent Japanese pronunciations in the past, while during the many centuries of Sino-Japanese contact cities have been completely renamed by the Chinese. Virtually all ancient Chinese personal names, as well as many recent ones, are wameihyoki and cannot be considered gairaigo: e.
A history of Japanese loanwords Zedong: too soohei! Nevertheless, as with place names, recent years have seen an increase in Chinese personal names with auditory hatsuontenki pronunciations, although most still have conventional wameihyoki doublets. This is illustrated in 6. The official guidelines of NHK, Japan's only public broadcaster, state that Chinese personal names should 'as a rule' be read as Sino--Japanese wameihyi:!
Secondly, pronouncements on the part of the Japanese establishment advocating hatsuontenki. These have included NHK who, while being sued, ultimately unsuccessfully, by a Korean resident of Japan named-!. The Japanese Foreign Ministry also received a similar request for hatsuontenki from the South Korean government prior to a presidential visit in The travel advisory section for South Korea posted on the.
No such exhortations are posted in the travel advisories for North Korea, the People's. Republic of China or Taiwan. NHK official guidelines NHK state that the names of South and North Korean citizens should 'as a rule' be read as hatsuontenki, 33 while the same applies to Korean residents of Japan, unless they have expressed a wish otherwise. Some examples are shown in 7. This is illustrated in 8. In contrast to Chinese place names, Korean place names are now typically auditory hatS"uontenki, although Sino-Japanese wameihyoki pronunciations, whose usage is declining, also exist.
Some examples are shown in 9. One of the primary motivations for borrowing is the notion of prestige and Korean, despite its geographic proximity, has clearly sutlered.
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The Korean peninsula was a Japanese colony from to , suffering acute linguistic imperialism- the Korean language had been banned in schools by the end of the period. Official Japanese relations with Korea across the bulk of the modern period have ranged from nil during the period of the occupation to very poor its immediate aftermath, and also on a continual basis with North Korea to poor.
The first decade of the 21st century, however, saw much improved relations and a surge of interest in South Korean culture, with its popular music and television soap operas now commanding considerable media attention. As can be seen from 'Htble 2. Ainu is another example of a geographically proximate language which has suffered from lack of prestige. Despite continuous contact on Hokkaido between ethnic Japanese settlers and the indigenous Ainu, Ainu borrowings are extremely scant.
A history of Japanese loanwords names such as Sapporo, Monbetsu, Wakkanai and Obihiro, as well as with the word ainu itself from aynu 'human'. ONlllON cogor. Spelling loans Figure 3. Place names are, in the main, adapted from the language of what is, or was, the colonial power; or from what is, or has been, an official language of the state in which the place is situated. Thus, pari 'Paris' from Fr. Paris, napori 'Naples' from It. Napoli, rnyuNheN 'Munich' from Ger. Warszawa, sebiriya 'Seville' from 67 68 Loanwords in Japanese Sp.
There are a significant number of place names where the donor language is English. Surprisingly, these include places where the local or state languages have been significant donors to Japanese: e. Lisboa; aNtowaapu 'Antwerp', but Du. Antwerpen and Fr. Although a few other Englishdonor place names can be found within Europe e. K0benhavn , they are more prevalent outside e. English--donor place names are especially prevalent with countries: supeeN 'Spain', but Sp. Bspana;jiNraNdo 'Finland: but Fin. Suomi; arumenia 'Armenia', but Arm. The recent trend for a city once part of the British Empire to officially alter its name from the English to the local one has also been reflected in altered Japanese naming practices.
What was boNbee 'Bombay' may now be muNbai 'Mumbai: while what was raNguuN 'Rangoon' may now be yaNgoN 'Yangon: There are a few place names where the donor language is neither a local language, an official language, a colonial language, nor English. Duits 'German'. Diachronically, foreign place names in Japanese, as in other languages, have been characterized by chronic instability.
Many of those mentioned in the preceding paragraphs have had earlier forms no longer in use, while some still have several competing modern forms. In some cases, an earlier form has been fossilized in a compound but replaced elsewhere: e. In others, a competing, often Englishderived f xm, exists only in compounds: e. Hotchkiss Co.
A history of Japanese loanwords doomN 'greasepaint' from the German company Dohran; and baikiNgu 'buffet, smorgasbord' from the Viking restaurant in the Imperial Hotel, Tokyo. Genericized examples include saapupeNsiru or saapeN 'propelling pencil; both clippings of ebaaredisaapupeN.
Although many recent studies have been theoretical in f Kus, 35 in this chapter I aim to provide a comprehensive, but purely descriptive, analysis of gairaigo phonology. Such a system is still found with many elderly standard speakers today.
Although there is some divergence in opinion, a consonant phonemicization such as that in Figure 3. Analyses identical or similar to Figure 3. For phonemicizations differing substantially from both Figures 3. Chapter 3. Phonology will employ throughout this volume. Figure 3. For a thoroughgoing description ofboth these mora consonants, see Vance a Some of the most innovative speakers even have!
QI before sonorants e. The Japanese consonants: an analysis of the contemporary phonemic system In order to make clear the transcriptive differences between the conservative Figure 3. See Hibiya , , , Saito , , Joo and Vance a for more detail. The mora 'functions as the unit oflength There are three types of mora: C G V structures, where the optional onset Cis a consonant, the optional glide G an approximant, and V a vowel the mora nasal N the mora obstruent Q The role of the mora in temporal regulation and phonological length, and also as a unit of segmentation and perception, is indisputable.
Nevertheless, the syllable, as defined by Hattori ,  , is also of consequence. A word can be divided by syllable or by mora, although the result may differ. This is illustrated in 14 , where all the examples are gairaigo, a dot indicates a syllable boundary and a dash a mora boundary. A monosyllabic gairaigo may have anything from one to three moras 14a-c , and a bisyllabic gairaigo anything from two to six 14d-h. Monomoraic syllables are termed 'light' and are of the form C G V.
Phonology and are rare in the native and mimetic strata. A syllable, whether light, heavy or super-heavy, must be either open or have a coda inN or Q. The uppermost row shows the contemporary consonant phonemes, the leftmost column the vowel phonemes. Moras with glides e. A blank cell indicates that a mora exists in neither system, a shaded cell indicates a mora found only in the contemporary system.
All other cells represent a mora found in both systems. Bracketed moras are marginal. An alternative reading of Table 3. Table 3. See Vance a: for a useful overview of the difficulties. Such speakers thus have monomo. A lye! By no means all contemporary speakers employ all, or indeed even some, of these monomoraic articulations. The source stage 0 of a donor word may be auditory or, more likely; orthographic. As stated in 3 on p. In the case of an auditory source, adaptation stage 8 is based on the auditory input; in the case of an orthographic source, it is based on dictionary traditions.
These three different routes result stage 0 in three different kinds ofloan: auditory; dictionary and spelling. Of these three, the auditory loan is the least common. Japanese has been the dominant language in a state which currently has no land borders. Other languages indigenous to the archipelago have had comparatively tew speakers.
There has never been a sufficient number of speakers of non-indigenous languages resident in Japan f. Based on nationality statistics of foreign residents STK , in this amounted to approximately , people or just 0. By comparis.. Neither of Chapter 3. Borrowing routes in Japanese these figures include naturalized speakers of European languages, whose numbers are very small. A variety of English, as well as an English-Japanese mixed language, have been spoken on the Bonin Ogasawara Islands since the early 19th century, but the number of speakers has numbered only in the low hundreds Long It was, however, Japanese writers and essayists of the period who were chiefly responsible for introducing loanwords into the general speech community.
In time, as many of these words became established in the gene. By around the s, orthography and pronunciation too had in most cases stabilized and the forms found today begin to be encountered opus cit. As the influence of foreign -language, especially English-language, education grew, so awareness of correct donor pronunciation heightened and the probability of a more accurate adaptation increased. By the post-war period, it was no lon.. Loans with an orthographic source have thus come to comprise the bulk of the gairaigo stratum and, for the most part, the f Hmation of dictionary traditions stage 8 in Hgure 3.
Since its spelling is notoriously opaque, donor words from English are typically assigned a dictionary pronunciation at a point prior to adaptation stage 8. French spelling too is opaque and a dictionary pronunciation is t 'lJically assigned here also. For major Chapter 3. A borrow.. Dictionary traditions are, in effect, prescribed adaptation strategies.
Since, however, each donor language has its own prescription, the same source sound may follow more than one adaptation pathway. Examples include the substitution of 1J borrowed from Chinese and Korean on the one hand, and Western languages on the other Perhaps the most striking example is donor v. Given their nature, dictionary traditions are in many cases grounded in. As noted by Quackenbush , when many dictionary traditions were being formulated in the late 19th century, English language scholars were heavily influenced by fi reign advisors oyatoi gaikokujin: cf.
It is probably. Loans whose source is orthographic also include a not insignif. Other, longer established, examples are listed in 15a. In each example the same donor word has spawned When a dictionary pronunciation has not been assigned and the adaptation has been based on a spelling which is an accurate representation of pronunciation, then a spelling loan is indistinguishable from a dictionary loan.
The modern standard form is a spelling loan and highlighted in bold. Other attested forms are either non-standard or obsolete. These include dictionary loans underlined , auditory loans italicized and other non -standard or obsolete spelling loans. With still other spelling loans, earlier variants are unattested and whether a dictionary or auditory loan ever existed is unknown. Examples are shown in l5b , with the expected, though unattested, dictionary loan asterisked. Moreover, my description is essentially a synchronic one, although reference will be made to redundant adaptation pathways which have had important consequences fix modern gairaigo phonology; as well as to pathways which have seen noteworthy diachronic change.
Such pathways should not be overlooked, as has sometimes been the case in theorybased analyses. While most theoretical models presume the 'foreign input' to be auditory; I presume it to be a dictionary tradition, unless otherwise noted. Adaptation may also be referred to as 'nativization' or 'accommodation: although the three terms may exhibit subtle differences in meaning depending on theoretical stance.
Phonology Such arguments go back to at least Polivanov In line with my nontheoretical stance, I commit here to neither the phonological e. Silverman 1. The language has two major adaptation strategies: phonic substitution and epenthesis. There is, in addition, a third minor strategy of adaptation, deletion, confined almost entirely to auditory loans.
As I am unaware of any donor words containing them, I do not consider the plosives [l q? N], trills, taps,. As 74 and other examples attest, the donor phone in most borrowings into Japanese would appear to be Some examples are given in With the most recent borrowings, adaptation is strongly contemporary, as shown in Here, conservative doublets such as tacuu, dijerizuu, Ciramisu andjiibuijii are less widespread.
There is a large intermediate layer, illustrated in 19 , consist. The conservative pronunciation is now generally confined to older age cohorts Sakamoto , lower socioeconomic groups, and rural or peripheral dialects. Tuberkulin Du.
Lancaster Castle, Cadılar ve Karanlık hikayesi...
DVD tatuu dijeriduu tiramisu diibuidii b. Phonology 19 a. Himlu Eng.
Although by no means universal note 18b, 19d , such lowering has occurred in many gairaigo, both new and old. This is the case both for borrowings from donor languages where aspiration is non-phonemic the majority , as well as those from donor languages where it is phonemic. Korean, in fact, has a three-way contrast IP ph P"l in its plosives and alTricates, 45 termed 'lax.. I, occur only in a very small number of borrowings, mostly names.
Although the question of whether some of the words in were borrowed directly or via an intermediary is open to question, the outcome in terms of substitution would in all likelihood be the same. IGoml 27 l? O'ahu lo? Perhaps the only examples are the occasional use by sports commentators of siizuN for Eng. These three gairaigo are more commonly siizuN,. Examples of this dictionary tradition includ. Seil seebu zairu 'save' 'climbing rope' Chapter 3. Phonology 29 lsi lzl.
Sevilla Sp. C6rdoba sebiria korudoba 'Seville' 'Cordoba' 'Ihe adaptation of the voiced labiodental fricative lvl is complex. MocKBa lmoskval Ger. Wedeln Ger. Wien Ru. Bop;Ka lvotkal Ru. Wolfsburg Ru. Wuppertal buQpaataaru 'Wuppertal' 'Vltava,. Moldau' Cz. A few innovative speakers have! Long-established place names such as 31ac are rarely articulated mosukuva or viiN. HoBocM61ipc:K lnovosiibiirskl Ger. WeifJbier Ger. Wo[fsburg iwaN- ivaN nobosibirusulm- novosibirusuku waisubiiru - vaisubiiru borufusuburuku - vorufusuburuku 'Ivan the 1e1Tible, etc.
Early German and Russian textbooks corroborate this. These are shown in 43 , along with their more frequent contemporary doublets. Epe lmeB lbriezn! A different pattern is observed in some older gaimigo borrowed from Dutch. More recent borrowings from Dutch may 46c , or may not 46d , follow this pattern. Miirchen Ru. OxoTcK loxotskl Ger. Bach Heb. Schiphol Du. Both pat-terns may be found in the same loan 48e. Den Haag Du. Ghent Du. Nijmegen Du. Zeppelin Ru. Erron;HH ljelcinl Ger. Vakzin 49 a. SO Eng. Leeds Eng. Of the examples listed in 53 , zerii, zeNtorumaN, mazeNta and sera have the contemporary doublets jerii, jeNtorumaN, majeNta and cera.
Phonology 89 'Ihe unaspirated affricate la. While Chinese aspirated affricates also typically 4 voiceless 54e , unaspirated affricates often 4 voiced 54fg. Pfennig Ger. However, there are numerous cases where this tradition does not apply. Some are shown in Besides the letter N, which 4 enu and not "eN, a major exception to 57 is word-final lnl in words donated from French. Seine 61 Fr.
Cannes Fr. Cezanne kyuijiinu seenu kaNnu sezaNnu 'paint thinner' 'savannah' 'scanner' 'mayonnaise' 'cuisine' 'Seine' 'Cannes' 'Cezanne' 90 Loanwords in Japanese Peperkamp et al. This is the so-called 'e muet' or 'e caduc: an epenthetic schwa [d] appearing in modern French 'most often after liquids and nasals' Coveney and especially frequent in careful pronunciation. Another explanation, which Peperkamp et al.
The patterns in , unique to French, allow contrast to be preserved: 62 Fr. Caen Fr. Some cases where this dictionary tradition does not apply are shown in When mm is generated by the English morpheme -ing, the tradition never applies. Compare 67 to 65b. Hummer Eng. There are a small number of mainly auditory loans from English where IN! Phonology 69 Eng.
Vvashington Eng. Helsingborg Eng. Boulogne 72 It. Bobiguy 'lasagne' 'el Nifio' 'Boulogne' 'bolognaise sauce ' 'Bobigny' The few donor words containing a prenasalized consonant are mainly names from Bantu languages. Ruhr Ru. Examples are scarce. Llosa 75 It. Worcester sauce Pol. L6di lwuaj usutaasoosu uQCi c. Wichita Eng. Wales Eng. Exceptions to the patterns in include those in Qantas Eng. In view of the lack of contact with English speakers who have this phone, this substitution must be categorized as a dictionary tradition See,howeve1; the examples in illustrating alternative, though more restricted, pattern-s of substitution.
All gaimigo containing an element whose source is Eng. This last pattern is the product of a dictionary tradition. This is illustrated in PH3aHb lriazanil ryazani fyoodoru Ru. Thus, as we have already seen in 17, IIynm lputiinl Ru. Matthews 85 Eng. As adaptations may ditTer according to the.
Multiple entries in a cell indicate multiple substitution pathways. Common source phones are in bold. Unr donor words. Summary of vowel substitutions The donor vowels 89 lal and 90 lvl require further explanation. Thus, lot is GA [lat], RP [lvt]. To an extent, this confusion can serve as evidence for a UK or US origin of a given loanword.
Since 89 soccer is rarely used in the UK instead football , it appears as expected to be a borrowing from GA lal. On the other hand, the footballing term 90 offside Chapter 3. Phonology would appear to be a borrowing from RP lvl. Kapsel Cant. Urethan Kor. In 92 are listed just a few examples of many.
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Although this is likely a diction.. There are a small number of examples where no glide is found e. The sixth donor vowel in this group, ]a], only occurs long, as ]3:]. See The close central unrounded vowelli:l is found only in a few donor words from Russian, as shown in KorrhiMa lkolimal Dictionary traditions govern the substitution of the mid front rounded vowels Ire ol.
For further analysis and discussion of the asymmetry in the substitution of lol and Ire I from French and German, see Dohlus a. Koln Ger. Camus 'Utrecht' Du. Phonology Ger. Tiibingen Ger. Zurich Fr. Saussure Ger. Sd1Utz Ger. Suskind Fr. Dusseldmf dyu. Qserudorufu 'Dii. Hysterie Ger. Synthese hisuterii jiNteeze 'hysteria' 'philosophical synthesis' The substitution of donor long vowels largely follows the patterns outlined above, i.
Pathways f n vary according to the dictionary tradition of the donor language. Gaze Eng. Neumse noirooze Eng. Goethe geete Hu. Gyor jeeru Fr. Chartreuse sarutonmzu Sw. The examples listed in are best seen as spelling loans. Neurose Du. The phenomenon also applies, though less strongly, to donor ldul, as well as to long vowels in general However, as noted by Kubozono a: 66, a: 86 , shortening does not occur with donor larl, as the example in above shows. There is evidence that the tendency towards pre-nasal shortening appears to be weakening. Some gaimigo which exhibit the phenom..
AisukuriN 'ice cream' f- Eng. Phonology a traditional type of ice cream found in Okinawa and elsewhere. Other gaimigo have unshortened doublets: e. Importantly, there are many examples of gairaigo "'"here pre-nasal shortening seems never to have operated, especially when donor lnl is word-final. Some of these are shown in These are illustrated in Rondonia Fr. Both donor pronunciations are those cited by Wells Patterns may be further subdivided according to donor rhotic vowel type. Other famous Morses may be moosu, especially later ones such as Colin Dexter's. A1orse detective novels, well-known in Japan.
What appear to be further exceptions are typically borrowings from other languages: e. Joghurt, karuteru 'cartel' from Ger. Pornographie or Fr. What proportion of British nationals was Scottish or Irish is unknown. It is unlikely they would have spoken RP. Phonology Table 3. For example, although some speakers use heya 'hair; hea is more widespread. Contrast this with the glide insertion found in syllable-final Type A vowels in lllbe.
What is written r non-prevocalically in words such as Hamburg, Saarland, Berlin and Dortmund is generally articulated [-e] Kohler Thus, haNburuku, zaaruraNto, beruriN and dorutomuNto, as well as 17a, 35, 44, 73, 97, 99, , and the vast majority of relevant examples listed in Table 2. The exception appears to be with schwa, written er and generally articulated [-e] opus cit.
Examples include 32b, 70, , , as well as countless names such as wagunaa ' Richard Wagner' and a. These are governed by a range of dictionary traditions. Spelling loans are not uncommon. In English, the substitution of schwa lal often follows that of the donor spelling , although exceptions abound, as illustrated in As shown in , a dictionary tradition applies to English loans ending in lfanl, when written tion or sion. These Ger. Geliinde Fr. Bretagne burutaanyu Fr. The dosed syllables and consonant clusters found frequently in donor words are adapted to Japanese phonotactics by means of vowel epenthesis.
Which vowel will be inserted is determined by the value of the donor consonant. Below I illustrate vowel epenthesis for the donor phones in Table 3. I am unaware of any donor words in 'Nhich these phones occur in an environment where they would attract an epenthetic vowel, i. Schwarzkopf Eng. Hormon Eng. A selection of these is shown in Some of these do have a later doublet with epenthetic lui, but typically from a different polyseme: e.
For the three exam-ples shown in , tekisuto outgoogles tekusuto , takusii outgoogles taki.