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Meaning of "Scoringmodell" in the German dictionary

While picking up precise temporal and motoric motives of the films, condensing paces and excavating rhythmic patterns, the ensemble is mapping out an animist choreography, shifting from a time when labour was still relying on bodily efforts to a time when machines and ticking clocks seem to reign and model our perception.

While Side A is dedicated to procedures that are still based on manual and mechanical movement, Side B is inspired by the digital age, marked by invisible processes and subcutaneous pulses that we internalize. The result is a critical and poetic reflection on the rhythms of our daily life and yet another example of Felix Kubin's skills as a composer, placing him in the field of orchestral music. Takt der Arbeit Live in Gent video. Geburt eines Schiffes 3. Martial Arts 4. For weeks afterward, there was a palpable sense of anxiety in the city.

A demonstration against the federal government's refugee policies was registered, but only very few turned up to march. dictionary :: Punktwertverfahren [Scoring Modell] :: German-English translation

Six months after the crime, the perpetrator was sentenced to life in prison, after which the anxiety dissipated. The message: Freiburg wants to remain a liberal city, despite this horrific crime. On Aug. The party called for a rally, which was attended by a couple hundred people, but the counter-demonstration was just as large. Later, some people -- including asylum-seekers -- held a march to commemorate the beloved doctor. A relative of the murder victim published an open letter addressed to the AfD politician. The doctor, he wrote, "had contributed to integration instead of preaching hate and revulsion like you.

Then, at 3 a. Just hours after the crime, some demonstrators marched through the city, some of them shoving police to the ground while others threatened people who looked like they might be refugees. The next evening, some 6, right-wingers and right-wing sympathizers gathered. The message: In Chemnitz, neo-Nazis and hooligans are leading the city's response to the crime. Three crimes, three different reactions. There are similarities: anger, disgust, grief, anti-foreigner prejudice and the question as to whether these felonies might be connected to the refugee policies that have stirred up and divided this country for the last three years.

Pricing & Ordering

But in Freiburg and Offenburg, the sober-minded have the upper hand, those who see the crimes for what they are: isolated cases. Sad, to be sure, but not the direct result of misguided policy. In Chemnitz, by contrast, a strike force was quickly assembled, made up of neo-Nazis, hooligans, AfD supporters and so-called " concerned citizens.

The images they created are evocative of an era that Germany had thought it had left behind; they are reminiscent of the racist attacks in the Lichtenhagen neighborhood of Rostock, which saw a mob set fire to an occupied hostel for Vietnamese workers as neighbors stood by applauding. The mob is back, is the message sent by the images from Chemnitz, just like 26 years ago.

We have regressed. The revulsion over this fact can be heard in many voices, from the chancellor to the German president, from German business leaders to foreign commentators. The ugly German -- racist, xenophobic and full of rage -- is back. And his stage, once again, is in Saxony. Why is it always Saxony? Bautzen, Freital, Heidenau, Clausnitz and now Chemnitz. These places have become shorthand for scenes of enraged crowds, their faces contorted in anger as they chant vulgarities against refugees or the chancellor.

They chase down and attack migrants, they set fire to asylum-seeker hostels, they have apparently abandoned human decency itself, along with civilized debate and the political system of representational democracy. They apparently dream of a different model: nationalist, monoethnic, authoritarian and anti-liberal. The hoodlums are, of course, far from being in the majority in Saxony.

But they are currently much louder than the majority. And the effect they are having becomes apparent when you read the back pages of the newspaper.

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It is a disaster for Saxony, a state that, on the one hand, has been remarkably successful. Its economy is doing well, its schoolchildren score well on the international PISA test comparing educational attainment, its tourism industry is flourishing and it has the second-lowest unemployment rate among the five eastern German states.

On the other hand, though, it is widely seen as having a neo-Nazi problem. Saxony is the fertile soil out of which Pegida which stands for Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamization of the West sprouted, the xenophobic group that has been staging weekly marches against Muslims since autumn And the group is still going strong in Saxony, with hundreds of sympathizers still taking to the streets each week. In Saxony, demonstrators confront reporters, as happened most recently in Dresden, when a now former employee of the State Criminal Police Office accosted a television team from public broadcaster ZDF.

The man's German-flag hat quickly became a symbol of right-wing simpletons who join such marches. But since then, he has been supplanted by the Hitler salutes seen in Chemnitz. The police in Saxony likewise hit the headlines with predictable regularity when they, for example, prevent journalists from doing their jobs or fail to mobilize enough officers, thus forcing them to stand by passively as right-wing extremists rampage through the streets.

Right-wing extremism is a nationwide phenomenon, not a specifically Saxon one. That has been the mantra of Saxony's political leadership for years, whenever the criticism has mounted. It is half true, and half false. Saxony has become a breeding ground of right-wing activists, with right-wing structures having become solidified shortly after German reunification. In no other German state is the AfD so successful: According to the most recent surveys, the party stands to win 26 of the 60 direct mandates in the state in next year's election.

Every fourth voter plans to cast their ballot for the right-wing populists, putting the party in second place behind Chancellor Angela Merkel's conservative Christian Democratic Union CDU. It is, of course, inaccurate to say that AfD supporters are synonymous with right-wing hooligans. But they do have quite a bit in common: They all believe that they are part of a rebellion against the West, against its established political parties and against the "lying press. The scenes from Chemnitz are merely the ugly symptoms of a gradual process of separation. The violence in Chemnitz "is the intentionally provoked apex of a development that has been coming for almost 30 years," Christian Wolff, the former pastor of St.

Thomas Church in Leipzig, writes on his website. Even if you might not agree completely with all aspects of Wolff's analysis, it makes one wonder: What has happened in eastern Germany, in Saxony, in the 29 years since the fall of the Berlin Wall? The question isn't exactly new, but it must be asked once again following the escalation seen last weekend. It was a weekend in which the people of Chemnitz actually wanted to celebrate.

The city was observing its th birthday and organizers were expecting more than , visitors. Six stages had been set up along with a Ferris wheel and more than booths. The rapper Namika performed and City Hall was lit up by colorful lights.

About the author

Daniel H. The son of a Cuban father and a German mother, Daniel H. His co-workers liked him and his friends say he was always in a good mood, always ready with a smile. That's where they ran into Yousif A. An argument ensued, perhaps over money, perhaps over cigarettes -- many details remain hazy, though alcohol was likely a factor.

Yousif A. He succumbed to his injuries in the hospital a short time later. He lived with three other refugees -- one from Syria, one from Iraq and one from Iran -- in a shared apartment located in multifamily dwelling. The rest of the time, he lived in Chemnitz, apparently at a friend's place. Even if they didn't know him well, his apartment-mates describe him as a nice guy who liked to drink, sometimes to excess. Initially, according to his files, officials wanted to send him back to Bulgaria because they believed that he had submitted an asylum application there.